Author Topic: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant  (Read 480636 times)

Emily

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1960 on: March 27, 2013, 10:13:32 PM »

"I want to know what were the steps by which
man passed from barbarism to civilization (Voltaire)"

   



What are our origins?
Where are we now?
Where are we headed?
Share your thoughts with us!
   Volume Five (The Renaissance)
       
"Four elements constitute Civilization -- economic provision, political organization, moral traditions, and the pursuit of knowledge and the arts. "
 
"I shall proceed as rapidly as time and circumstances will permit, hoping that a few of my contemporaries will care to grow old with me while learning. "
       
"These volumes may help some of our children to understand and enjoy the infinite riches of their inheritance."
       
"Civilization begins where chaos and insecurity ends."






This volume, then, is about YOU. Join our group daily and listen to what Durant and the rest of us are saying. Better yet, share with us your opinions.
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SeniorLearn Contact: JoanK & Discussion Facilitator: Trevor
 


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In reading the last few postings by Trevor, I was shocked at the deaths of all the captives that Columbus took back to Spain on his first voyage. These were young men and women who would seem to have been most fit for the voyage, yet Columbus reports they all died.

On a later voyage Columbus takes several hundred back and about half are dead by the time they reach Spain. The rest die soon after their arrival.

The Spainish were brutal to the natives they met according to the records, and Columbus established a colony of Spainards on Hispaniola. So what happened to the native Arawak/Taino who inhabitied the island of Hispaniola before the arrival of Columbus?

Here is an excerpt of what I found, which states that the natives of Hispaniola (Haiti and Dominican Republic) have been eradicated from the island, not only the people but the culture as well. A total genocide.

Quote
THE GENOCIDAL END OF THE ARAWAK/TAINO NATIVES ON THE ISLAND OF HISPANIOLA

Robert Corbett

There is a great debate as to just how many Arawak/Taino inhabited Hispaniola when Columbus landed in 1492. Some of the early Spanish historian/observers claimed there were as many as 3,000,000 to 4,000,000. These numbers seem to be based on very little reliable evidence and are thought to be gross exaggerations. However, since nothing like a census was done, the methods for estimating the numbers are extremely shaky, whether by these early historians or later critics.

One long technical article on the population comes in the with the low estimate of 100,000. Several other modern scholars seem to lean more forcefully in the area of 300,000 to 400,000. Whatever the number, what happened to them is extremely tragic. They were not immune to European diseases, especially smallpox, and the Spanish worked them unmercifully in the mines and fields. By 1507 the Spanish were settled and able to do a more reliable job of counting the Arawak/Tainos. It is generally agreed that by 1507 their numbers had shrunk to 60,000. By 1531 the number was down to 600. Today there are no easily discerned traces of the Arawak/Taino at all except for some of the archaeological remains that have been found. Not only on Hispaniola, but also across the Windward Passage in Cuba, complete genocide was practiced on these natives.

It is important to pause and think about what is claimed here. The claim is not that the entire population of CARIBBEAN (and possibly even Floridian) Taino/Arawaks were wiped out, but that population which was on the island of Hispaniola when Columbus arrived. Further, this is not to say that no drop of Taino/Arawak blood survived, or than not a single word of the language drifted in later Haitian Creole, perhaps even a zemi god influenced Voodoo here or there.

Rather, the claim is that the Taino/Arawak as a discernible people with a discernible culture simply disappeared ON THE ISLAND OF HISPANIOLA.

It is clear that the Taino/Arawak survived in others areas of the Caribbean, even in near-by Puerto Rico. The claim is limited to those Taino/Arawaks who inhabited the island of Hispaniola when Columbus arrived in 1492.

Disease was a major cause of their demise. However, on Columbus' 2nd voyage he began to require a tribute from the Arawak/Tainos. They were expected to yield a certain quantity of gold per capita. Failing that each adult of 14 was required to submit 25lbs. of cotton. For those who could not produce the cotton either, there was a service requirement for them to work for the Spanish. This set the stage for a system of assigning the Arawak/Taino to Spanish settlers as effective slave labor. This system contributed significantly to their genocide.

In Sidney Lintz's interesting introduction to James Leyburn's THE HAITIANS, he argues that not only did the natives die out, but nearly all cultural traces did too. He says this is a very unusual phenomenon. Haiti's culture is almost entirely African and European. There are some anthropologists who believe that some Voodoo rites, and especially the Petwo Voodoo rites, might have their origins in Arawak/Taino religion, but this is speculative.

Regardless, it does seem that the Arawak/Tainos disappeared without a trace. Michel Laguerre does caution that despite the early date of the demise of the Arawak/Taino, numbers of them did last long enough to have worked alongside the African slaves who were being brought to Haiti in increasing numbers. Laguerre suggests that there would probably have been some inter-mating and thus it is highly unlikely that Indian blood completely died out in Haiti, even though their cultural heritage did disappear without a trace.

[Special note:   Given my focus on the history of Haiti as shaping the current situation in Haiti and using history to understand Haiti today, what is contained in the few paragraphs before this note is very important. It says, in effect, that the pre-Columbian period has virtually no role at all in shaping contemporary Haiti.

Emily


JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1961 on: March 28, 2013, 04:37:22 PM »
"the pre-Columbian period has virtually no role at all in shaping contemporary Haiti."

That's so sad. I hope he's wrong and both the blood and the culture survived a little bit.

mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1962 on: March 29, 2013, 12:22:27 PM »
When i was teaching Western Civ the textbooks gave the info that 90% of the persons who were here in the Americas in 1491 had not survived by 1900.

Here are two interesting reviews of books "1491" and "1493"

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/10/09/books/review/09baker.html?_r=0

http://www.amazon.com/1493-Uncovering-Columbus-Created-ebook/dp/B004G606EY

I loved teaching about "the Columbian exchange". Students were always surprised at what products started where in the world and what a great impact the exchange of goods had on the entire world.

http://www.amazon.com/Columbian-Exchange-Alfred-Crosby-Jr/dp/0275980928/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1312840262&sr=1-1

If you don't want to read the book, here is the wiki summary of the Exchange

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Columbian_Exchange

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1963 on: March 29, 2013, 03:45:50 PM »
That's very interesting. I knew some of it, but hadn't realiozed how widespread and important it was.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1964 on: March 30, 2013, 10:18:18 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol.VI  The REFORMATION
Pgs 271 - 273


The moral and mental effects of the explorations rivalled the economic and political results. Christianity was spread over a vast hemisphere, so that the Roman Catholic Church gained more adherents in the New World than the Reformation took from her in the old. The Spanish and Portuguese languages were given to Latin America, and produced their vigorous independent literatures. European morals were not improved by the discoveries, the lawless brutality of the colonists flowed back to Europe with returning seamen and settlers, and brought an intensification of violence and sexual  irregularity. The European intellect was powerfully moved by the revelation of so many peoples, customs, and cults; the dogmas of the great religions suffered by mutual attrition; and even while Protestants and Catholics raised their hostile certainties to ruinous wars, those certitudes were melting away into the doubts and consequent tolerance of the Enlightenment.

Above all, a pride of achievement inspired the human mind just when Copernicus was about to  reduce the cosmic importance of the Earth and its inhabitants.. Men felt that the world of matter had been conquered by the courage of the human mind. The medieval motto for Gibraltar -- ne plus ultra-- was denied by abbreviation, it became now ‘plus ultra’ -- ‘more beyond‘. All limits were removed; all the world was open; everything seemed possible.
 Now, with a bold and optimistic surge, modern history began.

                                                             Erasmus the Forerunner
                                                                      1469  -  1517.  

                                                        The Education of a Humanist.  

The greatest of the Humanists was born in or near Rotterdam in 1466 or 1469, the second and natural son of Gerard, a clerk in minor orders, and of Margaret, the widowed daughter of a physician. The father became a priest after this contretemps. We do not know how the boy came by the fond name of Desiderius Erasmus, meaning the ‘desired beloved‘. His first teachers taught him to read and write Dutch, but when he went to study with the Brethren of the Common Life at Deventer he was fined for speaking his native tongue; there Latin was the ‘piece de resistance‘, and piety was as rigorous as discipline. Erasmus began at Deventer to acquire his astonishing command of the Latin language and literature.

About 1484 both his parents died. The father left a modest estate to his two sons, but their guardians absorbed most of it, and steered the youths into a monastic career as one  requiring no patrimony at all. They protested, wishing to go to a university; finally, they were persuaded -- Erasmus, we are told, by the promise of access to many books. The older son accepted his fate, and rose to be (Erasmus reported) ‘strenuous compotor nec scortator ignavus’ -- “ a mighty toper and no mean fornicator.” Desidererius took vows as an Augustinian canon in the priory of Emmaus at Steyn. He tried hard to like monastic life, even wrote an essay  ‘De contemptu mundi’ to convince himself that a monastery was just the place for a lad of avid spirit and queasy stomach. But the vow of obedience proved yet more irksome than that of chastity. The kindly prior took pity on him, and lent him as secretary to Henry of Bergen, Bishop of Cambrai. Erasmus now (1492) accepted ordination as a priest.

But wherever he was, he had one foot elsewhere. Paris exuded an aroma of learning and lust that could intoxicate keen senses across great distances. After some years of able service Desiderius induced the Bishop to send him to the university of Paris, armed with just enough money to survive. He listened impatiently to lectures, but consumed libraries  He attended plays and parties, and occasionally explored feminine charms; he remarks, in one of his Colloquies that the most pleasant way of learning French was from the ’filles de joie’. Nevertheless his strongest passion was for literature, the musical magic of words opening the door to a world of imagination and delight. He taught himself Greek. Wandering at will through the centuries, he discovered Lorenzo Valla, the Neapolitan Voltaire; he relished the elegant Latin and reckless audacity with which Valla had flayed the forgery of the “Donation of Constantine,” had noted serious errors in the Vulgate, and had debated whether Epicureanism might not be the wisest ’modus Vivendi’; Erasmus himself would later startle theologians, and comfort some cardinals, by seeking to reconcile Epicurus and Christ.. Echoes of Duns Scotus and Ockham still resounded in Paris; nominalism was in the ascendant, and threatened such basic doctrines as transubstantiation and the Trinity. These escapades of thought damaged the young priest’s orthodoxy, leaving him not much more than a profound admiration for the ethics of Christ.

His addiction to books was almost as expensive as a vice. A rich student Mountjoy, took him to England (1499). There, in the great country houses of the aristocracy, the harassed scholar found a realm of refined pleasure that turned his monastic past into a shuddering memory. At Mountjoy’s house in Greenwich, Erasmus met Thomas More, then only twenty-two, yet distinguished enough to secure the scholar an introduction to the future Henry VIII. At Oxford he was almost as charmed by the informal companionship of students and faculty as he had been by the embraces of country-house divinities. There he learned to love John Colet, who, though “assertor and champion of the old theology,” astonished his time by practicing Christianity. Erasmus was impressed by the progress of humanism in England:

“When I hear my Colet I seem to be listening to Plato himself. In Grocyn who does not marvel at such a perfect world of learning? What can be more acute,  profound, and delicate than the judgment of Linacre? What has nature ever created more gentle, sweet, and happy than the genius of Thomas More?”

These men influenced Erasmus profoundly for his betterment. From a vain and flighty youth, drunk with the wine of the classics and the ambrosia of women, he was transformed into an earnest and painstaking scholar. When he left England (January 1500) he had formed his resolve to study and edit the Greek text of the New Testament as the distilled essence of that real Christianity which, in the judgment of reformers and humanists alike, had been overlaid and concealed by the dogmas and accretions of centuries.

His pleasant memory of this first visit to England was darkened by the final hour. At Dover, passing through the customs, the money which his English friends had given him, amounting to some  20 Pounds ($2,000?) was confiscated by the authorities, as English law forbade the export of gold and silver. Thomas More, not yet a great lawyer, had mistakenly advised him that the prohibition applied only to English currency; and Erasmus had changed the pounds into French coins.  Thus Erasmus embarked for France practically penniless.

“I suffered shipwreck,” he said, “before I went to sea.”

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1965 on: March 31, 2013, 01:32:32 PM »
"But wherever he was, he had one foot elsewhere."

What an interesting account of Erasmus!

Emily

  • Posts: 365
Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1966 on: April 01, 2013, 11:19:31 PM »
Quote
"He taught himself Greek."

I see Erasmus as an autodidact. A person who can self-educate without the trappings of an expensive school, and reams of teachers and professors, is the only one who can be called an 'intellectual' in my opinion.

I heard someone say recently, "My ship sailed before I got to port". I doubt they knew they were paraphrasing Erasmus.

Emily


3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1967 on: April 10, 2013, 09:55:05 PM »
Durants'    S  o  C
Vol. V I  The REFORMATION
Pgs 273  -  276



                          Peripatetic  Erasmus 
Stationing himself for a few months in Paris, he published his first significant work, ‘Collectanea adagiorum’, a collection of 818 adages or quotations, mostly from classical authors. The revival of learning -- i.e. of ancient literature -- had set a fashion of adorning one’s opinions with a snatch from some Greek or Latin author; we see the custom in extreme form in Montaigne’s ‘Essays’ and Burton’s ‘Anatomy of Melancholy’; it lingered in to the eighteenth century in the forensic oratory of England. Erasmus accompanied each adage with a brief comment, usually pointed to current interest and salted with satiric wit; so, he observed, “priests are said in Scripture to devour the sins of the people, and they find sins so hard to digest they must have the best wine to wash them down.” The book sold so well that for a year Erasmus could feed himself unaided. Archbishop Warham, relishing the book despite its barbs, sent the author a gift of money and offered him a benefice in England; Erasmus, however, was not prepared to abandon a continent for an island. Sixty editions appeared in his lifetime; translations were issued from the original Latin into French, Italian, German, and Dutch; altogether it was among the best sellers of its time.

Even so the proceeds were meagre; and food was not enough. Pinched for pounds, Erasmus wrote to his friend James Bart, who was tutoring a son of Lady Anne of Vere, asking him to

“ point out to her how much more credit I shall do her by my learning than the other divines whom she maintains. They preach ordinary sermons; I write what will live for ever. They, with their silly rubbish are heard in one or two churches; my works shall be read by all who know Latin or Greek in every country in the world. Such unlearned ecclesiastics abound everywhere; men like me are scarcely found in many centuries. Repeat all this to her unless you are too superstitious to tell her a few fibs for a friend.”

When this approach failed he wrote in January, suggesting that Barr tell the lady that Erasmus was loosing his eyesight, and adding “ Send me four of five gold pieces of your own, which you will recover out of the Lady’s money. As Bart did not enter this trap, Erasmus wrote directly to the Lady, comparing her with the noblest heroines of history and the fairest concubines of Solomon, and predicting for her an eternity of fame. To this ultimate vanity she succumbed, Erasmus received a substantial gift, and recovered his eyesight. Erasmus could have had benefices, episcopacies, even later, a cardinal’s hat; he refused such offers time and again in order to remain a ‘free lance,‘ intellectually fetterless. He preferred to beg in freedom rather than decay in bonds.

In 1502, fleeing plague, Erasmus moved to Louvain. Adrian of Utrecht, head of the university offered him a professorship; Erasmus declined. Returning to Paris, he settled down to earning a living by his pen -- one of the earliest modern attempts at that reckless enterprise. He translated Cicero’s Offices, Euripides’ Hecuba, and Lucian’s Dialogues. 

“Good heavens! with what humour, with what rapidity does Lucian deal his blows, turning  everything to ridicule, and letting nothing pass without a touch of mockery. His hardest strokes are aimed at the philosophers . . . on account of their supernatural assumptions, and the Stoics for their intolerable arrogance . . . He uses no less liberty in deriding the gods, whence the surname atheist was bestowed upon him -- an honourable distinction coming from the impious and superstitious.”

On a second visit to England (1505-1506) he joined Colet in a pilgrimage to the shrine of St. Thomas a Becket at Canterbury. Erasmus told how “Gratian” (Colet) offended their monastic guide by suggesting that some of the wealth that adorned the cathedral might be used to alleviate the poverty in Canterbury; how the monk showed them milk that had really come from the Virgin’s breast, “and an amazing quantity of bones,” all of which had to be kissed reverently; how Gratian balked at kissing an old shoe that Becket was said to have worn; and how as a climactic favour and a sacred souvenir the guide offered Gratian a cloth allegedly used by the saint to wipe his brow and blow his nose, and still showing evidence thereof, whereat Gratian grimaced and rebelled. The two humanists, mourning for humanity, returned to London.

Good fortune came to Erasmus there. Henry VII’s physician was sending two sons to Italy; Erasmus was engaged to accompany them “as general guide and supervisor”. He stayed with the lads at Bologna for a year, devouring the libraries, and adding daily to his fame for learning. In 1508 we find him still in Italy. Moving to Rome (1509), he was charmed by the easy life, fine manners, and intellectual cultivation of the cardinals. He was amused -- as Luther, in Rome the year before, had been shocked  -- by the inroads that pagan themes and ways had made in the capital of Christendom. What offended Erasmus more was the martial policy, ardour, and pursuits of Julius II; there he agreed with Luther, but he agreed also with the cardinals, who warmly approved of the frequent absences of the pugnacious Pope.

Just as he was learning to love the Eternal City, Mountjoy sent him word that HenryVII had died, that the friend of the humanists had become Henry VIII, and that all doors and preferments would now be open to Erasmus if he would come back to England. And along with Mountjoy’s letter came one from Henry VIII himself:

“Our acquaintance began when I was a boy. The regard which I then learned to feel for you has been increased by the honourable mention you have made of me in your writings, and by the use to which you have applied your talents in the advancement of Christian truth. So far you have borne your burden alone; give me now the pleasure of assisting and protecting you so far as my power extends... Your welfare is precious to us all.... I propose therefore that you abandon all thought of settling elsewhere. Come to England, and assure yourself of a hearty welcome. You shall name your own terms; they shall be as liberal and honourable as you please. I recollect that you once said that when you were tired of wandering you would make this country the home of your old age. I beseech you, by all that is holy and good, carry out this promise of yours. We have not now to learn the value of either your acquirements or your advice. We shall regard your presence among us as the most precious possession that we have.... You require your leisure for yourself; we shall ask nothing of you, save to make our realm your home... Come to me, therefore, my dear Erasmus, and let your presence be your answer to my invitation.”

How could so courteous and generous an invitation be refused? Even if Rome made him a cardinal, Erasmus’ tongue would be tied; In England, surrounded by influential friends and protected by a powerful king, he might write more freely, and yet be safe. Half reluctantly he bade  farewell to the humanists of Rome. He made his way again over the Alps, to Paris, and to England.                                                                                   

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1968 on: April 12, 2013, 02:07:08 PM »
It will be interesting to see how E takes to England. I'm guessing not well.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1969 on: April 16, 2013, 09:05:10 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol.  VI   The REFORMATION
Pgs 276 - 281



                                            ERASMUS the SATIRIST
He stayed in England five years, and in all that time he received from the King nothing more than an occasional salutation. Was Henry too busy with foreign relations or domestic relatives? Erasmus waited and fretted. Mountjoy came to the rescue with a gift, Warham dowered him with the revenues of a parish in Kent; and John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester and Chancellor of Cambridge University, appointed him professor of Greek at $1,300 a year. To raise this income, to the maintenance of a servant and horse, Erasmus dedicated his publications to his friends, who responded ever inadequately.

In the first year of his third sojourn in England, and in the house of Thomas More, Erasmus wrote in seven days his most famous book.‘The Praise of Folly.’ Its Latinized Greek title ‘Encomium Moriae’, was a pun on More’s name, but moros was Greek for ‘fool,’ and moria for ‘folly.’ Forty editions were published in his life time; there were a dozen translations; Rabelais devoured it; as late as 1632 Milton found it in “ everyone’s hand” at Cambridge.

Moria in Erasmus’ use meant not only folly, absurdity, ignorance and stupidity, but impulse, instinct, emotion and unlettered simplicity, as against wisdom, reason, calculation, intellect. The whole human race, we are reminded, owes its existence to folly, for what is so absurd as the male’s polymorphous pursuit of the female, his feverish idealization of her flesh, his goatish passion for copulation? What man in his senses would pay for such detumescence with the lifelong bondage of monogamy? What woman in her senses would pay for it with the pains and tribulations of motherhood? Is it not ridiculous that humanity should be the accidental by-product of this mutual attrition? If men and women paused to reason, all would be lost.

This illustrates the necessity of folly, and the foolishness of wisdom. Would bravery exist if reason ruled? Would happiness be possible? Or was Ecclesiastes right in believing that “he that increaseth knowledge increaseth sorrow, and in much wisdom is much grief”? Who would be happy if he knew the future? Fortunately science and philosophy are failures, are ignored by the people, and do no great damage to the vital ignorance of the race. The astronomers “will give you to a hair’s breadth the dimensions of the sun, moon, and stars, as easily as they would do that of a flagon or a pipkin,” but “nature laughs at their puny conjectures. “ The philosophers confound the confused and darken the obscure; they lavish time and wit upon logical and metaphysical subtleties with no result but wind; we should send them, rather than our soldiers, against the Turks, who would retreat in terror before such bewildering verbosity. The Physicians are no better; “their whole art as now practiced, is one incorporated compound of imposture and craft.”  As for the theologians, they :

“Will tell you to a tittle all the successive proceedings of Omnipotence in the creation of the universe; they will explain the precise manner of original sin being derived from our first parents; they will satisfy you as to how -- our Saviour was conceived in the Virgin’s womb, and will demonstrate, in the consecrated wafer, how accidents may subsist without a subject .... how one body can be in several places at the same time, and how Christ’s body in heaven differs from His body on the cross or in the sacrament.”

Think also of the nonsense purveyed as miracles and prodigies -- apparitions, curative shrines, evocations of Satan, and “such like bugbears of superstition.”

These absurdities -- are a good trade, and procure a comfortable income to such priests and friars as by this craft get their gain... What shall I say of such as cry up and maintain the cheat of pardons and indulgences?-- that by these compute the time of each soul’s residence in purgatory, and assign them to a longer or shorter continuance according as they purchase more or fewer of these  paltry pardons and saleable exemptions?
The satire runs on at the expense of monks, friars, inquisitors, cardinals, popes. Monks pester the people by begging and think to take heaven by a siege of soporific psalmodies. The secular clergy hunger and thirst after money; “they are most subtle in the craft of getting . . tithes, offerings, perquites, etc.  All ranks and varieties of the clergy agree in putting witches to death. The popes have lost any resemblance to the Apostles in their riches, honours, jurisdictions, offices, dispensations, licenses, indulgences ... ceremonies and tithes, excommunications and interdicts,” Their lust for legacies, their worldly diplomacy and bloody wars. How could such a Church survive except through the folly, the gullible simplicity of mankind ?

“The praise of Folly” stirred the theologians to an understandable fury. “You should know,” wrote Martin Dropsius to Erasmus, “that your ‘Moria’ has excited a great disturbance even among those who were formerly your most devoted admirers.” But the satire in this gay devastation was mild compared to that which marked Erasmus’ next outburst. The third and final year of his teaching at Cambridge ( 1513) was the year of Pope Julius II’s death. In 1514 there appeared in Paris a skit or dialogue called ‘Iulius exclusus‘. Erasmus made every effort, short of explicit denial, to conceal his authorship, but the manuscript had circulated among his friends. It may stand as perhaps an extreme sample of Erasmus the satirist. It is an outrageously one sided attack upon the dead Pope Julius II.

No such unredeemed rascal as Erasmus depicted, could have freed Italy from her invaders, replaced the old St. Peter’s with the new, discovered, directed, and developed Michelangelo and Raphael, united Christian and classic civilization in the ‘Stanze’ of the Vatican, and offered to Raphael’s skill that visage of profound thought and exhausting care pictured in the incomparable portrait of Julius in the Uffizi Gallery. And poor Erasmus, calling all priests to apostolic poverty while himself importuning his friends for coin! That a priest should pen so savage an indictment of a pope reveals the rebellious mood of the time.



mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1970 on: April 17, 2013, 10:40:42 AM »
After reading the "the peripatetic Erasmus" i thought "oh, an early Elmer Gantry", but i then loved "Erasmus the satirist" and I'm thinking i need to read more of Erasmus. I loved the paragraph on men and women, so true!  ;D and, of course, i totally agree with his satire of the church and its stories.

I read this statement of "folly" right after reading an email making the rounds "We Are Doomed" w/ stories such as the McD's clerk and manager who couldn't make change after being given $5.25 for a $4.25 charge,  or a bank teller when asked for "larger bills" said "bills are all the same size", etc. LOLOL

And being the wife of a biologist and a lover of history i am always enchanted by how many discoveries that are now considered "progress" came about by chance/ folly. Great passage! Thank you Trevor!

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1971 on: April 17, 2013, 03:38:42 PM »
"That a priest should pen so savage an indictment of a pope reveals the rebellious mood of the time."

He's not only rebelling against the Church, in "the Praise of Folly", he's rebelling against the learning he worked so hard to obtain! Reminds me of Ecclesiastes "A waste, a waste, it's all a waste."

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1972 on: April 20, 2013, 10:37:59 PM »
 Durants'  S  o  C
Vol VI   The REFORMATION
Pgs 282-283                               






                                                   ERASMUS the SATIRIST  (Cont)

In 1514 another product of Erasmus’ pen startled the intellectual world of Western Europe From 1497 onward  he had composed informal dialogues, professedly to teach Latin style and conversation, but incidentally discussing a rich variety of lively topics guaranteed to rouse schoolboys from their daily slumbers. His friend Beatus Rhenanus, with his permission, published a series of these as ‘ Familiarum colloquiorum formulae”-- “Forms of Familiar Conversations,” by Erasmus of Rotterdam, useful not only for polishing a boy’s speech but for building his character. Latin editions added more colloquies, so that they became Erasmus’ most substantial composition.

They are a strange concoction -- serious discussion of marriage and morals, exhortations to piety, exposés of absurdities and abuses in human conduct and belief, with a sprinkling of pungent or risqué jokes -- all in a chatty and idiomatic Latin which must have been harder to write than the formal language of learned discourse. An English translator in 1742 judged “ no book fitter to read which does, in so delightful and instructing a manner, utterly overthrow almost all the Popish Opinions and Super- stitions.” This slightly overstates the point, but certainly Erasmus, in his gay way, used his “textbook of Latin style” to attack again the shortcomings of the clergy. He condemned  relic-mongering, the misuse of excommunication, the acquisitiveness of the prelates and priests, the false miracles foisted on the credulous, the cult of saints for worldly ends, the excesses of fasting, the shocking contrasts between the Christianity of the Church and the Christianity of Christ. He made a prostitute praise monks as her most faithful clients. He warned a young lady that who whished to keep her virginity that she should avoid “those brawny, swill-bellied monks . . . . .  Chastity is more endangered in the cloister than out of it. He deplored the exaltation of virginity, and sang a paean to married love as superior to celibacy. He  mourned that men so carefully mated  good horses with good, but, in marriages of financial convenience wed healthy maids to sickly men, and he  proposed to forbid marriage to Syphilitics or persons with any other serious disability or disease. Mingled with the sober reflections were passages of broad humour. A pregnant woman was hailed a unique blessing “Heaven grant that this burden that you carry . . . may have as easy an exit as it had an entrance” Circumcision was recommended “ for it moderates the itch of coition.” A long dialogue between “ the Young Man and the Harlot” ended reassuringly with the lady’s reform.

Critics complained that these colloquies were a very reckless way of teaching Latin style. Charles V made their use in school a crime punishable with death. Luther here agreed with the Emperor “ On my deathbed I shall forbid my sons to read Erasmus’ Colloquies.“ The furore  assured the books success, 24000 copies were sold soon after publication, till 1550 only the Bible outsold it. Meanwhile Erasmus had almost made the Bible his own.

                                                            THE SCHOLAR

He left England in July 1514 and made his way through fog and customs to Calais. There he received from the Prior of his forgotten monastery at Steyn a letter suggesting that his leave of absence had long since expired, and he  had better return to spend his remaining years in repentant piety. He  was  alarmed, for in canon law the prior might call upon secular power to drag him back to his cell. Erasmus excused himself, and the  prior did not press the matter; but to avoid  a recurrence of the embarrassment the wondering scholar asked his English friends to secure for him from Leo X a dispensation from his obligations as a monk.

While these negotiations were proceeding, Erasmus made his  way up the Rhine to Basel, and offered to Froben the printer, the manuscript of his most important production -- a critical revision of the Greek text of the New Testament, with a new Latin translation and a commentary. The preparation had taken years, and the printing and editing would be laborious and expensive, the presumption to improve upon Jerome’s Latin version, long sanctified as the “Vulgate”, might be condemned by the Church, and the sales would probably fail to meet the costs. Erasmus reduced one hazard by dedicating the work to Leo X. In February 1516 Froben at last brought out “Novum Instrumentum omne, diligenter ab Erasmo Rot. recognitum et emendatum.” A later edition (1518) changed Instrumentum to Testamentum. In parallel columns Erasmus presented the Greek text as revised by him, and his Latin Translation. His knowledge of Greek was imperfect, and he shared with the typesetters the responsibility for many errors; from the standpoint of scholarship this first edition was inferior to that, which a corps of scholars had completed and printed for Cardinal Ximenes in 1514, but which was not given to the public till 1522. These two  works marked the application of humanistic learning to the early literature of Christianity, and the beginning of that Biblical criticism which in the nineteenth century restored the Bible to human authorship and fallibility.
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JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1973 on: April 21, 2013, 03:04:33 PM »
Erasmus continues to amaze .

Emily

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1974 on: April 22, 2013, 09:48:59 PM »

mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1975 on: April 23, 2013, 11:34:53 AM »
I bet Ben Franklin was a reader of Erasmus!!!

Jean

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1976 on: April 26, 2013, 12:14:57 AM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  The REFORMATION
Pgs 284 - 289



  Erasmus repeatedly signalized the difference between primitive and current Christianity. So on Matthew 23:27, he commented:

What would Jerome say could he see the Virgin’s milk exhibited for money, with as much honour paid to it as to the consecrated body of Christ; the miraculous oils; the portions of the true cross, enough, if collected to freight a large ship? Here we have the hood of St. Francis, there our Lady’s petticoat, or St. Anne’s comb..... not presented as innocent aids to religion, but as the substance of religion itself -- and all through the avarice of priests and the hypoc- risy of monks playing upon the credulity of the people.

Noting that Matthew 19:12 (“Some have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven’s sake”) was alleged to council monastic celibacy, Erasmus wrote:

In this class we include those who by fraud or intimidation have been thrust into that life of celibacy where they were allowed to fornicate but not to marry; so that if they openly keep a concubine they are Christian priests, but if they take a wife they are burned. In my opinion parents who intend their children for celibate priesthood would be much kinder to castrate them in infancy, rather than to expose them whole against their will to this temptation to lust.

And on I Timothy 3:2 :

There are priests now in vast numbers, enormous herds of them, seculars and regulars, and it is notorious that very few of them are chaste. The great proportion fall into lust and incest and open profligacy. It would be better if those who cannot be continent should be allowed lawful wives of their own, and so escape this foul and miserable pollution.

Finally, in a note on Matthew 11:30, Erasmus sounded the basic note of the Reformers -- the return from the Church to Christ:
 
Truly the yoke of Christ would be sweet, and his burden light, if petty human institutions added nothing to what He Himself imposed. He commanded us nothing save love for one another, and there is nothing so bitter that affection does not soften and sweeten it. Everything according to nature is easily borne, and nothing accords better with the nature of men than the philosophy of Christ, of which the sole end is to give back to fallen nature its innocence and integrity...  The Church added to it many things, of which some can be omitted without prejudice to the faith. What rules, what superstitions, we have about vestments! .... How many fasts are instituted! .... what shall we say about vows .. about the authority of the pope, the abuse of absolutions and dispensations ?... Would that men were content to let Christ rule by the laws of the Gospel, and that they would no longer seek to strengthen their obscurant tyranny by human decrees!

It was probably the notes that carried the book to a success that must have surprised the author and publisher alike. The first edition was disposed of in three years, new and revised editions were issued in sixty-nine printings before Erasmus died. Criticism of the work was vehement; many errors were pointed out. Leo X however praised the work, and Pope Adrian VI asked Erasmus to do for the Old Testament what he had done for the New; but the council of Trent condemned Erasmus’ translation and pronounced Jerome’s  Vulgate the only authentic Latin version of the Bible. Erasmus’ New Testament was soon superseded as scholarship, but as an event in the history of thought its influence was immense. It facilitated and welcomed the vernacular translations that were soon to follow.

Like most philosophers, Erasmus reckoned monarchy the least evil form of government; he feared the people as a “fickle many headed monster,” deprecated the popular discussion of laws and politics, and judged the chaos of revolution worse than the tyranny of kings. But he counselled Charles, his Christian  prince to guard against the concentration of wealth. Taxes should fall only upon luxuries. There should be fewer monasteries, more schools. Above all, there should be no war among Christian states, not even against the Turks. “ We shall better overcome the Turks by the piety of our lives than by arms; the empire of Christianity will thus be defended by the same means by which it was originally established. “ What does war beget except war --- but civility invites civility, justice invites justice”

“I pass silently over the tragedies of ancient wars. I will stress only those which have taken place in the course of these last  years. Where is the land or sea where people have not fought in the most cruel manner? Where is the river that has not been dyed with human blood?... With Christian blood? O supreme shame! They behave more savagely than wild beasts..... All these wars were undertaken at the caprice of princes, to the great  detriment of the people, whom these conflicts in no way concerned. Bishops, cardinals, popes who are vicars of Christ -- none among them is ashamed to start the war that Jesus so execrated. What is there in common between the helmet and the mitre? Bishops, how dare you, who hold the place of the Apostles, teach people things that touch on war at the same time that you teach the precepts of the Apostles? There is no peace, even unjust, which is not preferable to the most just of wars.

We must not look to Erasmus for any realistic conception of human nature, or of the causes of war, or of the behaviour of states. The function of Erasmus was not to construct a positive and consistent philosophy. He was not even sure he was a Christian. He thought of the Eucharist as a symbol rather than a miracle; he obviously doubted the Trinity, the Incarnation, and the Virgin Birth. He called in question one after another of the Christian usages of his time -- indulgences, fasting, pilgrimages, auricular confession, monasticism, clerical celibacy, relic worship, prayers to the saints, the burning of heretics.

Despite this strong bent toward rationalism, Erasmus remained externally orthodox. He never lost his affection for Christ, nor for the  gospels. He favoured a lenient attitude toward religious heresy; his ideal was the imitation of Christ. We must admit, however that his own practice was less than evangelical.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1977 on: April 26, 2013, 12:56:41 AM »
Yesterday,  I wrote the line where Erasmus said "there should be no wars, even against the Turks". Erasmus hope, with which I agree, has still not been achieved. I entered that remark yesterday which happened to be April 25th, the date on which Australia and New Zealand  remember those fallen  in battle, especially of the ANZACS ( Australia and New Zealand Army Corps.) who died on April 25th 1915 when they, and British and French forces, stormed the beaches at Gallipoly at the entrance to the Dardanelles in Turkey. 400 hundred years after Erasmus' hope, and we (including members of my family') still fight the Turks, and anyone else, whether Christian or not. Will our nations ever become civilized?

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1978 on: April 26, 2013, 03:14:04 PM »
"Will our nations ever become civilized?"

I'm beginning to think not!

mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1979 on: April 27, 2013, 10:12:13 AM »
Me too Joan. I just said that to a friend recently. The more i know about history and current events the more fatalist i become. As a young person i was optimistic that the world, and especially the United States, was becoming better and better in the way people treat each other, and we have moved forward in our laws, but human beings seem to take two steps forward and one step back, consistently.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1980 on: May 08, 2013, 08:03:23 PM »
  DURANTS’    S  o  C
Vol. VI.  The REFORMATION
Pgs. 293 - 296



                                  GERMANY on  the  EVE  of  LUTHER
                                                             1453  -  1517 
                                        The age of the Fuggers

In the final half-century before the Reformation all classes in Germany prospered except the knights. Probably it was the rising status  of the peasants that sharpened their resentment against surviving disabilities. A few were bondsmen, a minority were proprietors, the great majority were tenant farmers paying rent to feudal lords in produce, services, or money. The tenants complained of the lord’s exactions; of the twelve -- in some cases sixty --  days of labour which custom required them to give him yearly; of his withdrawal of land from the Allgemeine or commons in which tradition had allowed them to fish, cut timber, and pasture their animals; of the damage done to crops by the lord’s huntsmen and hounds; of the biased administration of justice in the local courts which the landlords controlled; and of the death tax laid upon the tenant family when the passing of its head interrupted the care of the land. Peasant proprietors raged at the usurious rates they had to pay for loans to move their crops, and at the quick foreclosure of farms by clever moneylenders who had made loans to owners obviously unable to repay. All classes of tillers grudged the annual tithe levied by the Church on their harvests and broods.

Three discontents ignited revolts sporadically throughout the fifteenth century (1431, 1476 and 1491.) Then in 1512 Joss Fritz secretly organized a movement  in which God, the pope,, and the emperor were to be spared, but all feudal ownership and dues were to be abolished. A peasant who had been constrained to join this “Bund” exposed it to his confessor; the authorities arrested and tortured the leaders; the revolt aborted, but Joss Fritz lived to join in the peasants’ Revolt of 1525. In 1517 a league of 90,000 peasants in Styria and Carinthia undertook to end feudalism there: For three months their bands attacked castles and slew lords; finally Emperor Maximillian, who sympathised with their cause but rebuked their violence, sent against them a small force of soldiery, which subdued them into sullen peace. But the stage was set for the Peasants' War and Anabaptist communism of Reformation Germany.

Meanwhile a more matter-of-fact revolution was proceeding in German industry and commerce. Most industry was still handicraft, but it was increasingly controlled by entrepreneurs who provided material and capital, and bought and sold the finished product. The mining industry was making rapid progress; great profits were  drawn from mining silver, copper, and gold; gold and silver bullion now became a favourite means of  storing wealth; and the royalties paid for mining rights to territorial Princes-- especially to the elector of Saxony who protected Luther -- enabled some of them to resist both pope and emperor. Reliable silver coins were minted, currency multiplied, the passage to a money economy was almost  complete. Even statues of silver or gold accumulated in the German churches, and inclined princes to a religious reform that allowed them to confiscate ecclesiastical wealth.

The financiers were now a major political power. The Jewish money lenders of Germany were displaced by the Christian family-firms of the Welsers, the Hochstetters and the Fuggers-- all of Augusburg, which, at the end of fifteenth century, was the financial capital of Christendom. Johannes Fugger, a weavers son, became a textile merchant, and left at his death, ( 1409) a small fortune of 3,000 florins ( $75,000) His son Jakob expanded the business; when he died (1469) his wealthy ranked seventh in Augsburg. Jakob’s sons raised the firm to supremacy by advancing money to the princes of Germany, Austria, and Hungary in return for the revenue of mines, lands, or cities. From these speculative investments the Fuggers derived immense profits, so that by 1500 they were the richest family in Europe.

Jakob II was the culminating genius of the family, enterprising, ruthless,, and industrious. He trained himself by studying every phase of the business, every advance in bookkeeping, manufacturing, merchandising, and finance. He demanded the sacrifice of everything but the family itself to the business, and the subordination of every individual Fugger to the family interest. He formed cartels with other firms to control the price and sale of various products. In 1488 the family lent 150,000 florins to Archduke Sigismund of Austria, and as security it received the entire yield of the Schwarz mines until the debt should be repaid. In 1492 the Fuggers intermarried with the Thurzos of Cracow in a cartel to work the silver and copper mines of Hungary, and to maintain the highest possible prices for the products. By 1511, when Jacob II became sole head of the firm, its assets reached 196,791 guilders; by 1527 ( two years after his death ) its capital reached over 2,000,000 guilders “ a profit of 50% per year through sixteen years.” Though the firm rejected the ecclesiastical limitations on interest, and the attempts of churchmen to fix a “fair price” for consumers’ goods, he remained a Catholic, and with Ulrich, obtained (1494) the management of papal finances in Germany, Scandinavia, Bohemia, and Hungary.

In his final years Jakob Fugger was the most honoured and unpopular citizen in Germany. Some Catholics attacked him as a usurer, some nobles for outbidding them in the pursuit of office or power, many workers for overriding medieval regulations of trade and finance; most Protestants for managing the export of German money to the popes. Jakob tried to atone for his wealth by building 106 houses for the Catholic poor of Augsburg*. He died in the odour of sanctity, leaving millions of Guilders, and no children.

From him we may date the capitalist era in Germany, the growth of private monopolies, the dominance of  businessmen controlling money over feudal lords owning land.

* This settlement, the “Fuggerei” still exists. It charges forty-two pfennigs (eighty-six cents) per family per year.

Those figures are Durants’ 1957 . I can’t see them being correct in 2013 !


3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1981 on: May 08, 2013, 08:14:07 PM »
As we  know, much the same thing is happening today. This time it is Germany taking over in Spain and Greece. It will be interesting to see how it all works out  -- Trevor

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1982 on: May 10, 2013, 03:44:40 PM »
Just picked up a book from the library on science before Galileo. It seems to be restricted to European science in the few centuries before G (not Durant's wide scope). I'll let you know if it's interesting.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1983 on: May 11, 2013, 01:23:27 AM »
  Durants’  S  o  C
Vol. VI  The REFORMATION
Pgs 296  --  299



                                                               The German Capitalists.
German mining and textiles were already organized on capitalist lines -- ie., controlled by providers of capital, by the end of the fifteenth century following the lead of Flanders and Italy in textiles a hundred years before. The Middle ages had thought of private property as in some measure a public trust: The rights of the owner were limited by the necessities of the group whose organization gave him opportunities, facilities and protection. Perhaps under the influence of Roman law -- which now overshadowed German  jurisprudence --  the property owner began to think of his ownership as absolute; he felt he had a right to do what he liked  with his own. It did not seem wrong to the Fuggers, the Hochstetters, and the other   “merchant princes,”  to corner a product and then force up its price, or to form cartels for the limitation of output and the control of trade, or to manipulate investments so as to cheat small stockholders. Ambrose Hochstetter bought up all available quicksilver, then raised the retail price 75%. A German company bought 600,000 guilders worth of pepper from the king of Portugal at higher than the usual price, on condition that the king would charge a still higher price to all other importers of pepper from Portugal into Germany. Partly through such agreements and monopolies, partly through growing wealth and an increase in demand, partly through a rising supply of precious metals from Central Europe and America, prices mounted between 1480 and 1520 with a celerity rivalled only in our century. “In a short time, because of usury and avarice,” Luther complained, “he that could formerly live on a hundred guilders cannot do so now on two hundred.” It is more than a twice-told tale.

The middle ages had seen great inequalities of political power; the new age of the Fuggers added such economic disparities as Europe had not seen since the millionaires and slaves of Imperial Rome. Some merchant capitalists of Augsburg or Nuremberg were worth 5,000,000 francs each. Many bought their way into the landed aristocracy, sported coats of arms, and repaid highborn contempt with conspicuous consumption. The luxuriously furnished and artistically decorated homes of rich businessmen aroused the resentment of nobility, clergy, and proletariat alike. Preachers, writers, revolutionaries, and legislators joined in fulminating against monopolists. Geiler von Kaisersberg demanded that they “should be driven out like wolves, since they fear neither God nor man, and breed famine, thirst, and poverty.” Ulrich von Huttern distinguished four classes of robbers: merchants, jurists, priests, and knights, and judged the merchants to be the greatest robbers of them all. The Cologne Reichstag of 1512 called upon all civic authorities to proceed “ with diligence and severity against all usurious, forestalling, capitalistic companies.” Such decrees were repeated by other diets, but to no effect; some legislators themselves had investments in the great merchant firms, agents of the law were pacified with shares of stock, and many cities prospered from the growth of unimpeded trade.

Ninety-six German cities were “free cities” -- ie. they made their own laws, sent representatives to the provincial and Imperial diets, and acknowledged no political obedience except to the emperor, who was too indebted to them for financial or military aid to attack their liberties. Though these cities were ruled by guilds dominated by businessmen, nearly everyone of them was a paternalistic “welfare state” to the extent that it regulated production and distribution, wages and prices, and the quality of goods, with a view to protecting the weak from the strong, and to ensure the necessaries of life to all.

Aeneas Sylvius, a proud Italian, wrote of these German cities enthusiastically in 1458:
“Never has Germany been richer, more resplendent than today. Without exaggeration it may be said that no country in Europe has better or more beautiful cities. They look as fresh and new as if they had been built yesterday, and in no other cities is so much freedom to be found. Nothing more magnificent can be found in all Europe than Cologne, with its wonderful churches, city hall, towers, and palaces, its dignified burghers, its noble streams, its fertile cornfields. Nor is Augsburg surpassed in wealth by any city in the world....”
Augsberg was not only the financial centre of Germany, it was the main commercial link with then flourishing Italy. It was Augsburg merchants who built and managed that Fonaco Tedesco, in Venice, whose walls were frescoed by Giorgione and Titian. So bound to Italy Augsberg echoed the Italian Renaissance; its merchants supported scholars and artists, and some of its capitalists became models of manners and culture, if not of morals. So Konrad Peutinger, syndic or mayor in 1493, was diplomat, merchant, scholar, jurist, Latinist, Hellenist, and antiquarian as well as businessman.

Nuremberg was a centre of arts and crafts rather than of large scale industry or finance. The people were not as affluent here as in Augsberg, but they were joyous, ‘gemütlich’, and loved to disport themselves in festivities such as carnival of mask, costume, and dance. Here Hans Sachs and the Meistersingers sang their lusty airs, here Albrecht Dürer raised German painting and engraving to their zenith.

The churches of the cities became repositories and museums of art, for every guild or corporation or prosperous family commissioned some work of beauty for the shrine of a patron saint. Regiomontanus chose Nuremberg as his home “because I find here without difficulty all the peculiar instruments for astronomy; and it is easiest for me to keep in touch with the learned of all countries, and thanks to the perpetual journeyings of her merchants, Nuremberg may be counted the centre of Europe.” The voyages of Da Gama and Columbus, and Maximilian’s wars with Venice disturbed the trade between Germany and Italy. More and more German exports and imports moved along the great rivers to the North sea, and the Atlantic. Wealth and power passed from Augsburg and Nuremberg to Cologne, Hamburg, and above all Antwerp. The Fuggers and Welshers furthered this trend by making Antwerp a chief centre of their operations. Nuremberg’s most famous merchant, Willibald Pirkheimer, was an enthusiastic humanist, and devoted friend of Dürer. Erasmus called Pickheimer “ the chief glory of Germany. “

The northward movement of German money and trade divorced northern Germany from the Italian economy, and made it strong enough to protect Luther from emperor and pope. South Germany, perhaps for opposite reasons, remained Catholic.


JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1984 on: May 11, 2013, 06:27:44 PM »
Gosh, I had never heard of these financiers, or the culture. But that was what enabled Luthor to be safe? Interesting.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1985 on: May 17, 2013, 07:14:49 PM »
     Durants’  S  o  C
THE REFORMATION   Vol. VI
Pgs.  299 - 302
                                       



                                        THE GERMAN STATE
 How was Germany governed in this critical and formative age?
The knights or lower nobility who in former years had ruled the country-side as vassal of feudal seigneurs, were losing their  military, economic, and political position. Mercenary troops hired by princes or cities, and equipped with firearms and artillery, were mowing down knightly cavalry helplessly brandishing swords; commercial wealth was raising prices and costs, and were outstripping landed property as a source of power; cities were establishing their independence, and princes were centralizing authority and law. The knights took some revenge by waylaying the commerce that passed their way; and when merchants and municipalities protested, the knights asserted their right to wage private wars. Comines described the Germany of this time as prickly with castles from which, at any time “robber barons” and their armed retainers might pour forth to plunder. Some knights made it their custom to cut off the right hands of the merchants they robbed. Götz von Berlichingen, though he himself had lost his right hand in the service of his prince, substituted an iron hand, and led knightly  bands to attack not only merchants but cities. His friend Franz von Sickingen laid claims against the city of Worms, ravaged its environs, seized its councillors, tortured its burgomaster, resisted all attempts of Imperial troops to capture him, and was transiently subdued only by receiving an annual subsidy to serve the emperor. Twenty-two cities of Swabia -- chiefly  Augsburg, Ulm, Freiburg, and Constance -- joined with some of the higher nobility to reform the Swabian League ( 1488); these and other combinations checked the robber knights, and succeeded in having private war declared illegal, but Germany on the eve of Luther was a scene of social and political disorder, “ a universal reign of force.”

The secular and ecclesiastical princes who preceded over the chaos contributed to it by their venality, their diverse coinages and customs dues, their confused competition for wealth and place, their distortion of Roman Law to give themselves almost absolute authority at the expense of the people, the knights, and the emperor. Great families like the Hohenzollerns in Brandenburg, the Wettins in Saxony, the Wittelbachers in the Palatinate, the dukes of Württemberg, not to speak of the Hapsburgs of Austria, behaved like irresponsible sovereigns. If the power of the Catholic emperor over the German princes had been greater, the Reformation might have been defeated or postponed; and the rejection of Rome by many of the princes was a further move toward financial and political independence.

The character of the emperors in this period accentuated the weakness of the central government. Frederic III ( r.1440-11493) was an astrologer and alchemist who so loved the studious tranquillity of his gardens at Graz that he allowed Schleswig-Holstein, Bohemia, Austria, and Hungary to detach themselves from the Empire. But toward the end of his fifty-three-year reign he played a saving stroke by betrothing his son Maximilian to Mary, heiress to Charles the Bold of Burgundy. When Charles fought himself into an icy grave in 1477, the Hapsburgs inherited the Netherlands.

Maximilian I (r.  1493-1519) emperor elect but never crowned, began his reign with every omen of success. All the empire rejoiced in his good looks and good nature, his unassuming sensibility, his effervescent cheerfulness, his generosity and chivalry, his courage and skill in joust and hunt; it was as if an Italian of the High Renaissance had mounted a German throne. Even Machiavelli was impressed, calling him “ a wise, prudent, God-fearing prince, a just ruler, a great general, brave in peril, bearing fatigue like the most harden soldier.....”  a pattern of many princely virtues. He dreamed of restoring the grandeur of the Holy Roman Empire, by recapturing its former possessions and influence in Italy; he invaded the peninsular time and again in futile wars; he allowed himself to think of deposing the doughty Julius II and making himself pope as well as emperor. But he was constitutionally and financially incapable of sustained enterprise; he was unable to will the means, as well as to wish the ends, and at times he was so poor he lacked funds to pay for his dinner. He laboured to reform the administration of the Empire, but he violated his own reforms, and they died with him. If Maximilian had been as great as his plans, he would have rivalled Alexander and Charlemagne.

He left Germany and the Empire ( if only through economic developments ) far stronger than he had found them. Population had risen, education had spread, Vienna was becoming another Florence, and soon his grandson, inheriting half of Western Europe, would become the most powerful ruler in Christendom.



3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1986 on: May 22, 2013, 09:10:17 PM »
Durants'   S  o  C
Vol. VI  The REFORMATION
Pgs. 302 - 305



                                             THE GERMANS   
They were probably at this time the healthiest, strongest, most vital and exuberant people in Europe. They were coarse but jolly, and tempered their piety with sensuality. They could be cruel, as witness the awful instruments of torture that they used on criminals, but they could be merciful and generous, too, and rarely displayed their theological ferocity in physical ways; in Germany the inquisition was bravely resisted and usually subdued. Their robust spirits made for bibulous humour rather than dry wit, dulled their sense of logic and beauty, and denied them the grace and subtlety of the French or Italian mind. Their meagre Renaissance foundered in bibliolatry, but there was a steady persistence, a disciplined industry, a brute courage, in German thought that enabled them to break the power of Rome, and already gave promise of making them the greatest scholars in history.

By comparison with other nations they were clean. Bathing was a national passion. Every well-arranged house even in rural districts, had its bathroom. As in ancient Rome, the numerous public bathhouses provided much more than baths; men could be shaved there, women could have their hair dressed, diverse forms of massage were offered, drinking and gambling were allowed, and relief could be found from monogamy. Usually the two sexes bathed together, chastely clothed; but there were no laws against flirtations, and an Italian scholar, visiting Baden-Baden in 1417, remarked that “ no baths in the world are more fit for the fecundity of women.”

The Germans of that age could not be accused of Puritanism. They drank too much at all ages and imbibed sexual experience lavishly in their youth. Erfurt in 1501 seemed to the pious Luther “nothing better than a brothel and beer-house.” German rulers, ecclesiastical as well as secular, agreed with St. Augustine and St, Thomas Aquinas that prostitution must be allowed if women are to be safe from seduction or assault. We read of the bishops of Strasbourg and Mainz receiving revenues from brothels, and the bishop of Würzburg gave the municipal brothel to Graf von Hennenburg as a revenue-producing fief. In the actual moral code of Europe in the later Middle Ages resort to a prostitute was condoned as a venial but normal sin. Perhaps the spread of syphilis after 1492 made it a mortal affair.

Marriage, as elsewhere, was a union of properties. Love was considered a normal result, not a reasonable cause, of marriage. Betrothal was as binding as matrimony. Weddings ceremonious and luxurious in all classes; festivities might last a week or two; purchase of a husband was as expensive as the upkeep of a wife. The authority of the husband was theoretically absolute, but was more real in deeds than in words. The women of Nuremburg were undaunted enough to pull the half naked Emperor Maximilian from bed, throw a wrap around him, and lead him in a merry nocturnal dance in the street.

Family life flourished. An Erfurt chronical reckons eight or ten offspring per couple as normal; households of fifteen children were not uncommon. The numbers included bastards, for illegitimate children, who abounded, were usually taken into the father’s home after his marriage. Family names came into use in the fifteenth century, often indicating ancestral occupation or place of origin, but now and then congealing a moment’s jest into the rigor of time. Discipline was firm at home and school. German homes were now (1500) the most comfortable in Europe, with wide staircases, sturdy balustrades, massive furniture, cushioned chairs, carved chests, windows of coloured glass, canopied beds, carpeted floors, shelves crowded with books or flowers, or silver plate, and kitchens gleaming with all the utensils for a German feast.
Externally the houses were mostly made of wood, and fires were frequent. Overhanging eaves and windowed balconies shaded the streets. Only a few avenues in the larger towns were paved. Street lighting was unknown except on festival evenings; life was unsafe outdoors at night.  There were no organised police; severe punishments were relied upon to deter crime. The penalty for robbery was death, or, in mild theft, cutting off the ears. Women who had murdered their husbands were buried alive, or were tortured with red hot tongs and then hanged. Die verflÜchte Jungfer, or Cursed maiden of iron, who received the condemned with arms of steel, enclosed him in a spiked embrace, and then relaxing, let him fall to a slow death in a pit of revolving knives and pointed bars.

Political morality accorded with general moral laxity. Bribery was wide spread, and worst at the top. Commercialism -- the sacrifice of morals to money -- was as intense as in any age; money, not man, was the measure of all things. Yet these same hustling burghers gave large sums to charity. “In papal times,” Luther wrote, “men gave with both hands. It snowed alms, foundations, and legacies.  Our forefathers, lords and kings, princes and other folk gave richly -- yes to overflowing -- to churches, parishes, burses, hospitals.” It was a sign of a secularizing age that many charitable bequests were left, not to ecclesiastical bodies but to town councils, for distribution to the poor.

Manners became coarser-- in  France and England as well as in Germany  -- when the plutocracy of money superseded the aristocracy of birth in controlling the economy. Drunkenness was the national vice; both Luther and Hutten denounced  it. Forks had come to Germany in the fourteenth century, but men and women still liked to eat with their fingers.

Dress was grandiose. Workmen were content with cap or felt hat, short blouse and trousers tucked into boots, or high shoes. Rich women wore crowns of gold, or gold embroidered hoods, and braided gold threads in their hair. On festive occasions men might outshine women in magnificence. Thousands of men and women travelled. They moved in painful delight on horses or mules, bearing the discomfort of unpaved roads and unwashed inns. Sensible persons, when they could, journeyed by boat along the Rhine, the Danube, or other great rivers. By 1500 a postal service, open to all, united the major towns.

All in all the picture is one of a people too vigorous and prosperous to tolerate any longer the manacles of feudalism or the exactions of Rome.  A proud sense of German nationality survived all political fragmentation, and checked supernational emperors as well as supernatural popes. The Reformation would defeat the Holy Roman Empire as well as the papacy. In the 1,500 year war between Teuton and Roman, victory was once more, as in the fifth century, inclining toward Germany.


mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1987 on: May 23, 2013, 09:26:13 PM »
I'm reading..........but we're at the beach with lots of family and friends, will respond later. This one is an interesting entry.

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1988 on: May 24, 2013, 04:47:19 PM »
It is interesting. I admit, I'm relieved to hear about the bathing. it makes me uneasy to know that Queen Elizabeth of England only took a bath once a year. (and that was 100 years later). Kind of spoils the romance.

Emily

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1989 on: May 28, 2013, 08:10:00 PM »
Quote
There were no organised police; severe punishments were relied upon to deter crime. The penalty for robbery was death, or, in mild theft, cutting off the ears

Here in this country we have gone so far in the other direction that we are essentially a police state.

I recently read an article about an elderly couple who had a greenhouse where they imported bulbs from South America, planted them and grew beautiful orchids which they sold to supplement their meager income. They were a small operation.

Unknown to them the agency which oversees such operations had passed a new regulation on the importation of bulbs. Their home was raided by the 'Fish and Wildlife' with a swat team, and they were taken to the police station. They were charged, and made bond.

Both were convicted, but the husband was sentenced to over a year in a Federal prison. As the prosecutor said, "Ignorance is no excuse before the law."

After reading that article, I wanted to find out how many 'Federal laws' are on the books. I searched but could find no definitive answer. No one seems to know, even our elected representatives. When one considers all the regulations that become law, some say thousands.

I read an article by a Professor of Law (Tulane?) who stated that any citizen of this country over the age of 18 could be arrested any day, because we have so many laws and regulations of which we are unaware that we break some everyday.

We have an enormous police force. First the Federal police, then all 50 States have their own police, and every county, city, town have theirs also.

I asked my State Representative how many new laws are introduced into the legislature each year and he said thousands. Even though the majority of these do not become law, many do and we have a hodgepodge of arcane laws.

I joined others and began a campaign to get rid of some of the obsolete and foolish laws. Two Representatives began looking at the code, and the first repeal introduced was the number of balloons one could release.

Between the Feds, State, County, City, Town we have so many laws that everyone becomes a lawbreaker according to the law professor.

We live in a 'police state' and have more people imprisoned than any other country on earth.

I support necessary regulation for the safety of the public. I support laws against those who would do us bodily harm or steal from us.

The rest is totalitarianism.

Emily


3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1990 on: June 02, 2013, 11:52:36 PM »
Durants' S  o  C
Vol. VI  The REFORMATION
Pgs 306 - 311




                                     THE MATURING OF GERMAN ART

This coming of age first manifested itself in art. We may find it hard to believe, but it is true, at the very height of the Italian Renaissance -- from the birth of Leonardo  (1452 ) to the death of Raphael ( 1520 ) -- German artists were in demand throughout Europe for their excellence in every craft -- in wood, iron, copper, bronze, silver, gold, engraving, painting, sculpture, architecture. Felig Fabri of Ulm wrote in 1484: “when ever one wishes to have a first rate piece of workmanship in bronze, stone, or wood, he employs a German craftsman. I have seen German jewellers, goldsmiths, stone cutters, and carriage makers do wonderful things among the Saracens; they surpassed even the Greeks and Italians in art.” Some fifty years later an Italian found this still true: “The Germans,” wrote Paolo Giovio, “are carrying everything before them in art, and we sluggish Italians must need send to Germany for good workmen.” Heit Stoss captivated Cracow, Dürer received honours in Venice, and Holbein the Younger took England by storm.

Sculpture was the glory of the age. Minor carvers abounded who would have shone as major stars in a less brilliant galaxy. The career of Veit Stoss was a tale of two cities. Nurtured in Nuremberg, and acquiring fame as an engineer, bridge-builder, architect, engraver, sculptor, and painter, he went to Cracow at thirty, and did his best work there in a flamboyant Late Gothic style that well expressed both the piety and excitability of the Poles. He returned to Nuremberg(1496) with sufficient funds to buy a new house and marry a second wife, who bore him five children to add to her predecessor’s eight. At the height of his abundance Veit was arrested for having shared, perhaps unwittingly, in a forgery; he was branded by burning through both cheeks, and was forbidden ever to leave Nuremburg again. The Emperor Maximilian pardoned him, and restored his civic rights ( 1506) but Stoss remained an outcast to the end of his painfully long life. In  1517 he carved a large group representing the Annunciation of Angelical Salutation; he enclosed the two figures -- among the most nearly perfect in all the range of wood sculpture -- in a garland of roses, surrounded this with a rosary, attached seven medallions picturing the joys of the Virgin, and crowned the whole -- all in linden wood -- with an unprepossessing portrayal of God the Father. The fragile composition was suspended from the vault of the choir in the Lorenzkirche, where it still hangs as a treasured relic of the great city’s halcyon days. Stoss carved in wood a Crucifixion never surpassed in its kind (1520). At this time the Reformation captured Nuremberg; Andreas was replaced as prior because he remained a Catholic; Veit Stoss himself clung to the colourful faith that had inspired his art; he spent his final ten years in blindness, solitude, and desolation, predeceased by his wives, abandoned by his children, and rejected by an age too absorbed in theology to recognise that it was losing, at ninety-three (1533) the greatest wood carver in history.

As Viet Stoss excelled in wood, so Adam Kraft led all his contemporaries in the sculpture of stone. German chroniclers pictured him, and Peter Vischer the elder, and Sebastian Lindenast ( who designed the obsequious electors on the Frauenkirche clock) as devoted artists and friends. Hans Imhoff, a merchant prince, commissioned Kraft to design a ciborium to hold the bread and wine of the Eucharist in the Lorenzkirche. Adam made this Sakrementhaus a tall and slender tabernacle in Late Gothic style, a miracle of stone filigree rising stage by stage to a height of sixty-four feet, and tapering to a graceful crosier- head curve; the pillars alive with saints, the doors of the “house” guarded by angels, the square  surfaces  cut in relief with scenes from the life of Christ, and the whole airy edifice resting anomalously on three crouching figures-- Adam Kraft and two of his aids. There are no compliments in the self-portrait: the clothes are worn and torn with toil, the hands are rough, the beard is unkempt, the broad uplifted face is intent upon the conception and execution of the work. When this absorbing masterpiece was finished Kraft returned to his favourite subject by carving seven stone pillars with scenes from the Passion. Six of these are now in the Germanisches Museum, one of them “The Entombment,” is typical of Teutonic art-- a courageous realism that does not need idealization to convey a sincere piety and faith.

Engraving by cutting a design into wood or copper developed in the fifteenth century into a mature art, respected on a par with painting. The greatest painters cultivated it. Martin Schongauer carried it to completion; some of his engravings “The Scourging of Christ, Carrying the Cross, St. John on Patmos, The temptation of St. Anthony -- are among the greatest of all time. Etching by covering a metal surface with wax, cutting a design in the wax, and letting an acid eat (German, ätzen) into the exposed lines, grew from the decoration of armour into the incision of metal plates from which etchings could be printed. Daniel Hopfer, an armourer, seems to have made the first recorded etching in 1504.

In painting this was Germany’s greatest age. German painters in the second half of the fifteenth century graduated from Gothic intensity and ungainliness into a more graceful line, and figures that moved with ease in natural scenes reflecting the domestic life of the triumphant bourgeoisie. Year by year the thriving cities of the south stole the leadership of German art from Cologne and the north. The greatest of Dürer’s predecessors was Matthias Gothardt Neihardt, who by a scholar’s error became known as Matthais Grünewald. His masterpiece -- probably the greatest German painting is the complex polyptych made for a monastery at Isen in 1513. The central panel shows the Virgin and her Child in an almost Turneresque glow of golden colour against a background of distant seas. But the outstanding and unforgettable panel is a gruesome Crucifixion: Christ in his final agony, the body covered with wounds and bloody sweat, the limbs distorted with pain; Mary swooning in the arms of St. John; Magdalene hysterical with angry and incredulous grief.

This almost theatrical outburst of pictorial power is the culmination of German Gothic painting on the eve of the triumph of line and logic in a Dürer who, rooted in the mysticism of medieval Germany, stretched out hands of longing to the humanism and art of the Italian Renaissance.

JoanK

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JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1992 on: June 03, 2013, 03:30:28 PM »
And here is Viet Stoss' altar. Seeing figures with beards makes me realize that Italian figures never have beards.

http://www.google.com/search?q=veit+stoss+altar&tbm=isch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ei=Ru6sUYvCNoLOiwKE-oDIDQ&ved=0CD8QsAQ&biw=853&bih=585

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1993 on: June 12, 2013, 11:14:42 PM »
Sorry I am late with posting. Have had breakdown with computer. Hope to have new post with you shortly . Trevor

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1994 on: June 12, 2013, 11:21:35 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. XI  The REFORMATION
PGS 311- 313





                                         Albrecht Dürer:  1471 - 1528
No other nation has so unanimously chosen one of its sons as its representative in art as Germany -- protestant and Catholic, North and South - has chosen Dürer. On April 6th, 1928 the four-hundredth anniversary of his death, the Reichstag in Berlin and the city council in Nuremberg put aside politics and dogmas to honour the artist whom Germany loves best. Meanwhile connoisseurs vainly offered $1,000,000 for a painting -- The Feast of the Rose Garlands -- for which Dürer himself received 110 guilders ($2,750?)

His Hungarian father was a goldsmith settled in Nuremberg. Albrecht was the third of eighteen children, most of whom died in infancy. In the parental studio the boy learned to draw with pencil, charcoal, and pen, and to engrave with burin; he taught himself to  observe microscopically, and to represent objects and subjects in indefatigable detail, so that in some of his portraits almost every hair seems to have received its individual stroke of the brush. The father had hoped that his son would be another goldsmith, but he yielded to the youth’s desire to widen his art, and sent him as an apprentice to Wolgemut (1486 ) Albrecht developed slowly; his genius lay in ambition, perseverance, patience. “ God gave me industry,” he said, “so that I learned well, but I had to put up with a great deal of annoyance from his assistants.”

Attracted by Schongauer’s  engravings he made his way to Colmar ( 1492) only to find the master was dead. He learned what he could from Schongauer’s brothers, then passed on to Basel, where he absorbed from Grünewald the secret of intensely religious art. His father urged him to come home and marry; a wife had been chosen for him in his absence. He returned to Nuremberg, and settled down to wedded life with Agnes Frey (1494). In 1500 he pictured himself, simply costumed, his face elongated between masses of hair falling to the shoulders, the penetrating eyes mystically intent; Dürer seems here to have deliberately presented himself in an imagined likeness of Christ, not in impious bravado, but presumably in his oft voiced opinion that a great artist is an inspired mouthpiece of God. Vanity was the prop of his industry.

He could not have been infatuated with his wife, for he set out for Italy shortly after his marriage, leaving her behind. He was anxious to see at first hand what it was that had given the Italians their excellence in  painting and sculpture, in prose and poetry. When he came back to Nuremberg (1495) he had somehow received the stimulus that sparked the rapid productivity of his next ten years. In 1507 with a loan of a hundred florins he went again to Italy and this time stayed for a year and a half. He noted that artists had won a much higher social standing in Italy than in Germany. “Here,” he wrote “I am a fine gentleman, at home I am a parasite.” --i.e., “Unproductive of material goods.” In Italy he became accustomed to the nude in art, if only by studying classic statuary. He adopted with enthusiasm the Italian admiration for pagan art. With these two trips of Dürer to Italy the Gothic style came to an end in German painting, and the same generation that rejected Rome in religion accepted Italy in art.

Dürer himself remained in a creative but confusing tension between the middle ages and the Renaissance, between German mysticism and Italian worldliness  and the joy of life that he had seen in Italy never quite overcame in his soul the medieval meditation on death. He illustrated with relish and humour the life and doings of country folk. He loved the Germans, painted their enormous heads and rubicund features without protest, and introduced them into the unlikeliest environments, always richly robed like prosperous burghers, and wrapped and muffled, even in Rome or Palestine, against the German cold. His drawings are an ethnography of Nuremberg. As Titian loved to portray the nobility and royalty, Dürer was most at home in the middle class, and his woodcut of the Emperor made him look like what Louis XII had called him -- the “burgomaster of Augsburg.” There is seldom refinement in his male portraits, no elegance, only force of character. He pointed out that an artist can draw or paint a beautiful picture of an ugly object or disagreeable subject. He was a Teuton, all industry, duty, fidelity; he left beauty and grace to the ladies, and concentrated on power.




mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1995 on: June 13, 2013, 08:37:26 AM »
Thank you Joan for those links, the detail in those works is amazing. I thought as i read about Durer that today we would probably label these guys obssessive-compulsive, or something similiar. They were probably fortunate that that diagnosis wasn't available at the time and they were only considered eccentric artists.  :)

I found the Durants' humor - or at least i found them humorous - coming through in these last few passages, and their great turn of a phrase........."we may find it hard to believe, but it is true .....that at the heart of the Italian Renaissance....German artists were in demand".....all over Europe for their skills. (present-day Germans might be insulted, but this was being written at the beginnings of Nazi Germany, right?) Or, "he could not have been infatuated with his wife........."  :)

I also keep saying to myself "thank goodness i'm living in 20/21st century in the U.S. - "burned thru his cheeks"  as punishment!?! I suppose some such hideous things are going on somewhere in the world and even in the U.S. but hopefully not by our government.

Thank you again Trevor for your diligent work in posting these selected passages.

JoanK

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mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1997 on: June 15, 2013, 08:23:20 PM »
Oh, me too Joan, also like the bunny. But my favorites are the female nudes - finally a body i can identify with!?! ;D


Jean

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1998 on: June 15, 2013, 09:16:24 PM »
Funny, I just ran across a book by Durer about two hours ago.
http://manybooks.net/titles/dureralbrecetext02admjv10.html


JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #1999 on: June 16, 2013, 04:35:26 PM »
Mabel  ;D

And who knew he wrote a book.