Author Topic: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant  (Read 371794 times)

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2360 on: February 01, 2015, 04:35:33 AM »

"I want to know what were the steps by which
man passed from barbarism to civilization (Voltaire)"

   



What are our origins?
Where are we now?
Where are we headed?
Share your thoughts with us!

   Volume VI THE REFORMATION
       
"Four elements constitute Civilization -- economic provision, political organization, moral traditions, and the pursuit of knowledge and the arts. "
 
"I shall proceed as rapidly as time and circumstances will permit, hoping that a few of my contemporaries will care to grow old with me while learning. "
       
"These volumes may help some of our children to understand and enjoy the infinite riches of their inheritance."
       
"Civilization begins where chaos and insecurity ends."






This volume, then, is about YOU. Join our group daily and listen to what Durant and the rest of us are saying. Better yet, share with us your opinions.

SeniorLearn Contact: JoanK & Discussion Facilitator: Trevor
 




Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI THE REFORENDOM
Pgs. 695 - 698


                                AFRICAN ISLAM: 1200-1566

It is hard for us, pigeonholed in Christendom, to realise that from the eighth to the thirteenth century Islam was culturally, politically, and militarily superior to Europe. Even in its decline in the sixteenth century it prevailed from Delhi and beyond to Casablanca, from Adrianople to Aden, from Tunis to Timbuktu. Visiting the Sudan in 1353, Ibn-Batuta found there a creditable civilization under Moslem leadership; and a Negro Mohammedan, Abd-er-Rahman Sa’di, would later write a revealing and intelligent history, Tarik-es-Sudan (c.1650), describing private libraries of 1600 volumes in Timbuktu, and massive mosques whose ruins attest a departing glory.

The Marini dynasty( 1195-1270) made Morocco independent, and developed Fez and Marraqesh into major cities each with august gateways, imposing mosques, learned libraries, colleges squatting amid shady colonnades, and wordy bazarres where one could buy anything at half the price. In its Karouine Mosque, seat of Morocco’s oldest university, religion and science lived in concord, taking eager students from all African Islam, and -- in arduous courses of three to twelve years -- training teachers, lawyers, theologians, and statesmen. Emir Yaqub II (1269-86) ruling Morocco from Fez or Marraqesh, was one of the most enlightened princes of a progressive century, a just governor, a wise philanthropist, tempering theology with philosophy, shunning bigotry, and encouraging friendly relations with Europeans. The two cities received many refugees from Spain, and these brought a new stimulus to science, art, and industry. Ibn-Batuta, who had seen nearly all of vast Islam, called Morocco the Earthly paradise.

On the way from Fez to Oran the modern traveller is surprised to find at Tlemcen the modest remnant of what in the thirteenth century was a city of 125,000 souls. Three of its once sixty-four mosques are among the finest in the Mohammedan world. Marbled columns, complex mosaics, brilliant mihrabs, arcaded courts, carved wood, and towering minarets survive to tell of a splendour gone and almost forgotten. Here the Abd-el-Wahid dynasty (1248-1337, 1359-1553) maintained for three centuries a relatively enlightened rule, protecting Christians and Jews in religious freedom, and providing patronage to letters and arts. After the Turks captured the city (1553) it lost its importance as a centre of trade, and declined into the shadows of history.

Farther east, Algiers flourished through a mixture of commerce and piracy. Half hidden in a rock-bound semicircular bay, this picturesque port, rising in tier upon tier of white tenements and palaces from the Mediterranean to the Casbah, provided a favourite lair for privateers. After 1492 Algiers became a refuge for Moors fleeing from Spain; many of them joined the pirate crews, and turned in vengeful fury upon what Christian shipping they could waylay. Growing in number and audacity the pirates manned fleets as strong as national navies. Spain retaliated with protective expeditions that captured Oran, Algiers, and Tripoli   (1509-10).

In 1516 a colourful buccaneer entered the picture. The Italians called him Barbarossa from his red beard; his actual name was Khair ed-Din Khizr; he was a Greek of Lesbos, who came with his brother Horush to join the pirate crew. While Khair ed-Din raised himself to command of the fleet, Horush led an army against Algiers, expelled the Spanish garrison, made himself governor of the city, and died in battle (1518). Khair ed-Din, succeeding to his brother’s power, ruled with energy and skill. To consolidate his position he went to Constantinople, and offered Selim I sovereignty over Tripoly, Tunisia, and Algeria in return for a Turkish force adequate to maintain his own authority as vassal governor of these regions. Salim agreed, and Suleiman confirmed the arrangement. In 1533 Khair ed-Din became the hero of Western Islam by ferrying 70,000 Moors from inhospitable Spain to Africa. Appointed first admiral of the entire Turkish fleet, Barbarossa, with eighty-four vessels, raided town after town on the coasts of Sicily and Italy, and took thousands of Christians to be sold as slaves. Landing near Naples he almost succeeded in capturing Giulia Gonzaga Colonna, reputed the loveliest woman in Italy. She escaped half clad, rode off with one knight as her escort, and, on reaching her destination, ordered his death for reasons which she left to be inferred.

But Barbarossa aimed at less perishable booty than a beautiful woman. Landing his Janissaries at Bizerte, he marched against Tunis (1534 ). Muley Hassan, the current prince, had alienated the people by his cruelties. He fled as Barbarossa approached; Tunis was taken bloodlessly; Tunisia was added to the Ottoman realm, and Barbarossa was master of the Mediterranean. It was another crisis for Christendom, for the unchallenged Turkish fleet could at any moment secure a foothold for Islam in the Italian boot. Strangely enough, Francis I was at this time allied with the Turks, and Pope Clement VII was allied with France. Fortunately, Clement died ( Sept.25, 1534 ). Pope Paul III pledged funds to Charles V for an attack on Barbarossa, and Andrea Doria offered the full co-operation of the Genoese fleet. Charles crossed the Mediterranean, and laid siege to La Goletta. After a month’s fighting La Goletta fell and the Imperial army marched on to Tunis. Barbarossa tried to stop the advance; he was defeated and fled. Charles entered the city unresisted. For two days he surrendered it to pillage by his soldiers, who would have otherwise mutinied; thousands of Moslems were massacred; the art of centuries was shattered in a day or two. The Christian slaves were freed, and the surviving Mohammedan population was enslaved. Charles reinstated Muley Hassan as his tributary vassal, left garrisons, and returned to Europe.

Barbarossa escaped to Constantinople, and there with Suleiman’s funds, built a new fleet of ships. In july, this force effected a landing at Taranto, and Christendom was once again besieged. A new “Holy League” of Venice, the Papacy, and the Empire took form, and gathered 200 vessels off Corfu. On Sept.27th the rival armadas, at the entrance to the Ambraciań Gulf, fought an engagement almost in the same waters where Antony and Cleopatra had met Octavian at Acrium. Barbarossa won, and again ruled the seas. Sailing east, he took one after another of the Venetian possessions in the Aegean and Greece, and forced Venice to a separate peace.

Charles and Doria led an expedition agains Algiers; it was defeated on land by Barbarossa’s army, and at sea by a storm. Barbarossa returned the call by ravaging Calabria, and landing, unhindered, at Ostia, the port of Rome. The great capital shivered in its shrines, but Paul III was at the time on good terms with Francis, and Barbarossa, allegedly out of courtesy to his ally, paid in cash for all he took at Ostia, and departed peacefully. He sailed up to Toulon, where his fleet was welcomed by the matter-of-fact French; he asked that the church bells should suspend their ringing while Allah’s vessels were in the harbour, for the bells disturbed his sleep, and his request was law. Then, seventy-seven, the triumphant corsair retired with full honours to die in bed at eighty ( 1546)

The Ottoman Empire now reached from Algiers to Baghdad. Only one Moslem power dared to challenge its predominance in Islam, -- Safavid Persia.

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2361 on: February 01, 2015, 02:41:57 PM »
How little we know of all that history. Truly, the winners write the history books.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2362 on: February 08, 2015, 01:47:06 AM »
DURANTS'  S  o  C
Vol.VI  THE REFORMATION
Pgs. 698 - 702


                         SAFAVID PERSIA: 1502 - 76

Persia, which had enjoyed so many periods of cultural fertility, was now entering another epoch of political vitality and artistic creation. When Shah Ismail I founded the Safid Dynasty ( 1502 - 1736) Persia was a chaos of kinglets, many of which were independent states. In a succession of ruthless campaigns Ismail of Azerbaijan conquered most of these principalities, captured Herat and Baghdad and made Tabriz again the capital of a powerful kingdom. The people welcomed this native dynasty, gloried in the unity and power it gave their country, and expressed their spirit in a new outburst of Persian art.

Ismail’s rise to royalty is an incredible tale. He was three years old when his father died (1400), thirteen when he set out to win himself a throne, still thirteen when he had himself crowned Shah of Persia. We are told he was as “amiable as a girl,” but he killed his own mother ( or stepmother), ordered the execution of 300 courtesans at Tabriz, and massacred thousands of his enemies. Yet he was so popular that the “name of God is forgotten” in Persia said an Italian traveller, “and only the name of Ismail is remembered.

Religion and audacity were the secrets of his success. Religion in Persia was Shi’a -- i.e.,“the party” of Ali, son-in-law of Mohammed. The Shi’a recognized no rightful caliphs but Ali and his twelve lineal descendants -- “imams,” or holy kings; and since religion and government were not distinct in Islam, each such descendant had, in this doctrine, a divine right to rule both church and state. As Christians believed that Christ would return to establish His kingdom on earth, so the Shi’ites believed that the twelfth imam   -- Muhammad ibn-Hasan -- had never died but would some day reappear and set up his blessed rule over the Earth. And as Protestants condemned Catholics for accepting tradition, along with the bible, as a guide to right belief, so the Shi’ites denounced the Sunnites -- the orthodox Mohammedan majority -- who found the sunna or path of righteousness not only in the Koran but also in the practice of Mohammed as handed down in the traditions of his companions and followers. And as Protestants gave up praying to the saints and closed the monasteries, so the Shi’ites discountenanced the Sufi mystics and closed the cloisters of the dervishes, which, like the monasteries of Europe in their prime, had been centres of hospitality and charity. As Protestants called their faith “the true religion,” so the Shi’ites took the name al-Ma-minum, “true believers.”  No faithful Shi’ite would eat with a Sunnite, and if a Christian’s shadow passed over a Shi’ites meal, the food was to be discarded as unclean.

Ismail claimed descent from the seventh imam, Safi-al-Din (“Purity of the faith), from whom the dynasty was named. By proclaiming Shi’a as the national and official religion of Iran and as the sacred standard under which he fought, Ismail united his people in pious devotion against the Sunite Moslems who hemmed Persia in -- the Uzbeks and Afghans on the east, the Arabs, Turks, and Egyptians on the west. His strategy succeeded. Despite his cruelties he was worshipped as a saint, and his subjects so trusted in his divine power to protect them, that some refused to wear armour in battle.

Having won this fervent support, Ismail felt strong enough to challenge his neighbours. The Uzbeks who ruled Transoxiana, had spread their power into Khurasan; Ismail took Herat from them, and drove them out of Persia. Secure in the east, he turned against the Ottomans. Each faith now persecuted the other with holy intensity. Sultan Selim, we are reliably told, had 40,000 Shi’ites in his dominions killed or imprisoned; and Shah Ismail hanged some of the Sunnites who formed a majority in Tabriz, and compelled the rest to utter daily a prayer  cursing the first three caliphs as usurpers of Ali’s rights. Nevertheless, in battle at Chaldiran, the Persians found Shi’a helpless before the artillery and Janissaries of Salem the grim; the Sultan took Tabriz and subdued all northern Mesopotamia( 1516 ). But his army mutinied, he retreated, and Ismail returned to his capital with all the glory that shrouds a martial king. After twenty-four years or rule Ismail died at thirty-eight, leaving his throne to his ten-year old son (1524).

Shah Tamasp I was a faithless coward, a melancholy sybarite, an incompetent king, a harsh judge, a patron and practitioner of art, a pious Shi’ite, and the idol of his people. Perhaps he had some secret virtues which he hid from history. The continuing emphasis on religion disturbed as well as strengthened the government, for it sanctioned a dozen wars, and kept the Islam of the Near and Middle East divided from 1508 to 1638. Christendom benefited, for Suleiman interrupted his assaults upon the West by campaigns against Persia;  “only the Persian stands between us and ruin,” wrote Ferdinand’s ambassador in Constantinople. In 1533 the Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha led a Turkish army into Azerbaijan, took fortress after fortress by bribing Persian generals, and finally captured Tabriz and Baghdad without striking a blow ( 1534). Fourteen years later during an armistice with Ferdinand, Suleiman led another army against “the rascally red-heads” ( the Turkish name for Persians), took thirty-one towns, and then resumed his attacks on Christendom. Between 1525 and 1545 Charles repeatedly negotiated with Persia, presumably to co-ordinate Christian and Persian resistance to Suleiman. The West rejoiced when Persia assumed the offensive and captured Erzerum; but in 1554 Suleiman returned, devastated great stretches of Persia, and forced Tamasp to a peace in which Baghdad and lower Mesopotamia fell permanently under Turkish rule.

More interesting than these dismal conflicts were the venturesome journeys that Anthony Jenkinson made into Transoxiana and Persia in search of an overland trade route to India and “Cathay.” In this matter Ivan the Terrible proved amiable: he welcomed Jenkinson in Moscow, sent him as his ambassador to the Uzbek rulers at  Bokhara, and agreed to let English goods enter Russia duty free and pass down the Volga and across the Caspian. After surviving a violent storm on that sea, Jenkinson continued into Persia and reached Qasvin (1561) There he delivered to Tamasp letters of salutation from a distant queen who seemed to the Persians a minor ruler over a barbarous people. They were inclined to sign a trade agreement, but when Jenkinson confessed himself a Christian they bade him depart; “we have no need of friendship with infidels,” they told him; and as he left the Shah a servant spread purifying sand to cover the Christian footprints that had polluted the Shi’a court.

The death of Tamasp (1576) concluded the longest but one of all Mohammedan reigns, and one of the most disastrous. It was not distinguished by any literature lovingly cherished in Persian memory. But Safavid art, though its zenith  would come later, already in these two reigns began to pour forth works of that grandeur, brilliance, and refinement which for twenty-two centuries have marked the products of Persia. In Isfahan the mausoleum of Harun-i-Vilaya displayed all the finesse of classic Persian design and the best colour and cutting of mosaic faience; and a complex half dome crowned the portal of the great Friday Mosque.

In many instances the delicate work of the illuminators and calligraphers has outlasted the architectural monuments, and has made the book, in Islam, almost an idol of loving reverence. The Persians above all made their script an art in adorning mihrabs and portals of the mosques, the metal of their weapons, the clay of their pottery, the texture of their rugs, and in transmitting their Scriptures and their poets in manuscripts that many generations would cherish as delights to the eye and soul. Their Nastaliq or sloping script, which had flourished under the Timurids at Tabriz, Herat, and Samarkand, returned to Tabriz under the Safavids and went with them to Isfahan. As the mosque brought together a dozen arts, so the book employed poet, calligrapher, miniaturist, and binder into a collaboration quite as dedicated and devout.

The same loving care and delicate designs went into textiles and rugs. A Moslem sat and ate not on chairs but on the floor or ground covered with a rug. A special “prayer rug” usually bearing religious symbols and a Koranic text received his prostrations in his devotions. Rugs were favoured as gifts to friends or kings or mosques. Some dominating feature of design classified the rugs as of the garden, floral, hunting, vase, diaper, or medallion type; but around these basic forms were meandering arabesques, Chinese cloud configurations, symbols conveying secret meanings to the initiate, animals lending a pattern to life, plants and flowers giving it a kind of linear fragrance and joyful tone; and through the complex whole an artistic logic ran, a contrapuntal harmony of lines more intricate than Palestrina’s madrigals, more graceful than Godiva’s hair.

Some famous Persian rugs survive from this first half of the sixteenth century. One is a medallion rug with 30,000,000 knots in wool on silk warp ( 380 to the inch ); it lay for centuries in a mosque at Ardabil, and is now divided between the Victoria and Albert Museum in London and the County Museum in Los Angeles. In a cartouche at one end is a verse from Hafiz, and beneath this the proud words: “The work of the slave . . . Maqsud of Kashan, in the year 946,” after the hegira --- i.e., A.D. 1539. Also in the Los Angeles Museum is the “Coronation Carpet” used at the crowning of Edward VII in 1901. The Poldi-Pezzoli Museum at Milan, before the Second World War smashed the building, counted among its greatest treasures a hunting rug by Ghiyath ad-Din Jami of Yazd, a person of great rug design. The Duke of Anhalt Rug in the Duveen Collection, won international renown for its golden yellow ground and seductive arabesques in crimson, rose, and turquoise blue.

The rug and the book are among the unchallengeable titles of Safavid Persia to a high place in the remembrance of mankind.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2363 on: February 08, 2015, 02:06:35 AM »
Sorry I am so late with this last post. My excuse is that this last week we have had Auckland's  DEMISEMISEPTCENTENNIAL. (I'M TOLD THAT IS THE CORRECT LATIN WORD FOR IT). (175 years).  Also the International Rugby Sevens and Rugby League  matches which required my constant watching (!!)

Trying to negotiate the crowds with my uncertain gait, I had a fall  and was out of action for a few days. Things ok again now though.   Trevor

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2364 on: February 08, 2015, 03:51:08 PM »
Wow, what a week. Glad you're ok!

" The continuing emphasis on religion disturbed as well as strengthened the government, for it sanctioned a dozen wars, and kept the Islam of the Near and Middle East divided from 1508 to 1638."

That's still true today!

"One is a medallion rug with 30,000,000 knots in wool on silk warp ( 380 to the inch ); it lay for centuries in a mosque at Ardabil, and is now divided between the Victoria and Albert Museum in London and the County Museum in Los Angeles. ... Also in the Los Angeles Museum is the “Coronation Carpet” used at the crowning of Edward VII in 1901. "

I live in Los Angeles County, and had no idea there WAS a county museum. I'll have to check it out!

3kings(Trevor)

  • Posts: 347
Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2365 on: February 13, 2015, 10:21:32 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  THE REFORMATION
Pgs. 702 - 705



                                            SULEIMAN and the WEST
Suleiman succeeded his father Selim I in 1520 at the age of twenty-six. Ghislain de Busbeq ambassador of the Hapsburgs wrote almost fondly of the Hapsburg’s most persistent enemy:

“He has always had the character of being a careful and temperate man; even in his early days, when according to the Turkish rule, sin would have been venial, his life was blameless, for not even in youth did he indulge in wine or commit those unnatural crimes which are common among the Turks.... it is a well known fact that from the time he made her his lawful wife he has been perfectly faithful to her, although there is nothing in the laws to prevent his having mistresses as well.”

It is a picture worth noting, but too flattering: Suleiman was doubtless the greatest and noblest of the Ottoman sultans, but we shall find him, now and then, guilty of cruelty, jealousy, and revenge. Let us, however, as an experiment in perspective, try to view dispassionately his conflict with Christendom.

The military debate between Christianity and Islam was already 900 years old. It began when Moslem Arabs snatched Syria from the Byzantine Empire (634). It proceeded through the year-by-year conquest of that Empire by the Saracens, and the conquest of Spain by the Moors. Christendom retaliated in the Crusades, in which both sides covered with religious phrases and ardour their economic aims and political crimes. Islam retaliated by taking Constantinople and the Balkans. Spain expelled the Moors. Pope after pope called for fresh crusades against the Turks; Salem I vowed to build a mosque in Rome; Francis I proposed to the Western powers(1516) that they should utterly destroy the Turkish state and divide its possessions among themselves as infidel spoils. This plan was frustrated by the division of Germany in religious war, and the revolt of the Spanish communes against Charles V, and the second thought of Francis himself-- to seek Suleiman’s aid against Charles. Suleiman may have been saved by Luther, as Lutheranism owed so much to Suleiman.

Every  government strives to extend its borders, partly to enlarge its resources and revenues, partly to create additional protective terrain between its frontiers and its capital. Suleiman supposed that the best defence was offence. In 1521 he captured the Hungarian strongholds of Szabacs and Belgrade; then, feeling safe in the West, he turned his forces against Rhodes. There the Christians, under the knights of St. John, held a heavily fortified citadel directly athwart the routes from Constantinople to Alexandria and Syria; it seemed to Suleiman a dangerous alien bastion in an otherwise Turkish sea; and in fact the pirate ships of the Knights preyed upon Moslem commerce in one end of the Mediterranean as the Moslem pirates of Algeria preyed upon Christian commerce in the other. When Moslems were taken in these Knightly raids they were usually slain. Vessels carrying pilgrims to Mecca were intercepted on suspicion of hostile purposes. A distinguished English historian writes “ It was in the interest of public order that the island should be annexed  to the Turkish realm.”

Suleiman attacked with 300 ships and 200,000 men. The defenders fought the besiegers for 145 days, and finally surrendered under honourable terms: the Knights and their soldiery were to leave the island in safety, but within ten days; the remaining population were to have full religious freedom, and were exempt from tribute for five years. On  Christmas day Suleiman asked to see the Grand Master; he condoled with him, praised his brave defence, and gave him valuable presents; and to the Vizier Ibrahim the sultan remarked “that it caused great sorrow to be obliged to force this Christian in his old age to abandon his home and his belongings”. On Jan 1st 1523, the Knights sailed off to Crete, whence, eight years later, they passed to a more permanent home in Malta. The Sultan tarnished his victory by putting to death the son and grandchildren of Prince Djem because they had become Christians, and might be used, as Djem had been, as claimants to the Ottoman throne.
Early in 1525 Suleiman received a letter from Francis I, then a captive of Charles V, asking him to attack Hungary and come to the rescue of the French King. The Sultan answered “Our horse is saddled, our sword is girt on.”  He set out in April 1526, with 100,000 men and 300 cannon. Pope Clement VII urged Christians rulers to go to the aid of Hungary; Luther advised the Protestant princes to stay home, for the Turks were obviously a divine visitation, and to resist them would be to resist God. Charles V remained in Spain. The consequent rout of the Hungarians was a moral as well as a physical defeat for Christendom. Hungary might have recovered from the disaster if Catholics and Protestants, Emperor and Pope, had laboured together; but the Lutheran leaders rejoiced in the Turkish victory, and the army of the Emperor sacked Rome.

In 1529 Suleiman returned, and besieged Vienna with 200,000 men; from the spire of St. Stephen’s, Count Nicholas von Slam, to whom Ferdinand entrusted the defence, could see the surrounding plains and hills darkened with the tents, soldiery, and armament of the Ottomans. This time Luther summoned his adherents to join in the resistance, for clearly if Vienna fell Germany would be the next object of Turkish attack. Reports ran through Europe the Suleiman had vowed to reduce all Europe to the one true faith -- Islam. Turkish sappers dug tunnel after tunnel in the hope of blowing up the walls or setting up explosions within the city, but the defenders placed vessels of water at danger points, and watched for movements  that would indicate subterranean operations. Winter came, and the Sultan’s long line of communications failed to maintain supplies. On October 14 he called for a final and decisive effort, and promised great rewards; spirit and flesh were both unwilling; the attack was repulsed with great loss, and Suleiman sadly ordered a retreat. It was his first defeat.,; yet he retained half of Hungary, and carried back to Constantinople the royal crown of St. Stephen. Suleiman promised he would soon hunt out Charles himself, who dared to call himself Emperor, and would wrest from him the lordship of the West.

The West took him seriously enough. Rome fell into a panic; Clement VII, for once resolute, taxed even the cardinals to raise funds to fortify Ancona and other ports through which the Ottomans might enter Italy. In April  1532 Suleiman marched westward once more. His departure from his capital was a well staged spectacle : 120 cannon led the advance; 8000 Janissaries followed, the best soldiers in the realm; a thousand camels carried provisions; 2,000 elite horsemen guarded the holy standard -- the eagle of the Prophet; thousands of captive Christian boys, dressed in cloth of gold and plumed red hats, flaunted lances with innocent bravery; the Sultan’s own retinue were men of giant stature and handsome mien; among them, mounted on a chestnut horse rode Suleiman himself, robed in crimson velvet  embroidered with gold, under a turban inset with precious stones; and behind him marched an army that in its final mustering numbered 200,000 men. Who could resist such splendour and power? Only the elements and space.   

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2366 on: February 13, 2015, 10:50:44 PM »
So, the trouble between 'Christian' West and 'Moslem' Islam began in 634. I wonder if it will ever end. Perhaps if we really tried Christ's and Mohammed's suggested way to avoid conflict we might begin to get somewhere? Certainly 1380 years of military action has achieved nought.  TREVOR.

mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2367 on: February 14, 2015, 11:56:29 AM »
I will be back to catch up on the last three book postings. I've been very busy with company, babysitting for grandchildren, etc., but since the weather reports for the Deleware Valley contain the words "snow, wind gusts to 50 mph, wind chills below zero," I will not be sticking my nose out of the door and will have time to read them all.

Jean

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2368 on: February 14, 2015, 01:32:19 PM »
keep warm, JEAN

 "Suleiman may have been saved by Luther, as Lutheranism owed so much to Suleiman."

I can see why Suleiman owed Luther, but why did Lutheranism owe so much to Suleiman? I'm being dense, here.

TREVOR: I agree. When will we ever learn?

3kings(Trevor)

  • Posts: 347
Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2369 on: February 15, 2015, 03:42:50 AM »
Why did Luther owe so much to Suleiman ? I confess I can not see any reason for Luther to be grateful to Suleiman. I've looked back and can find  nothing in Durant that could lead one to that conclusion. Anyone else got any idea ?   TREVOR

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2370 on: February 18, 2015, 03:06:00 AM »
Durants'   S  o  C
Vol. VI  THE REFORMATION
Pgs. 705 - 707


                                            Suleiman  (cont.)
To meet this avalanche Charles, after much pleading, received from the Imperial Diet  a grant of 40,000 foot and 8,000 horse; he and Ferdinand provided 30,000 additional men at their own expense; and with these 78,000 gathered in Vienna, they awaited siege. But the Sultan was delayed at Güns. It was a small town, well fortified, but garrisoned with only 700 troops. For three weeks they fought back every Turkish attempt to break through the walls; eleven times they were pierced, eleven times the defenders blocked the opening with metal, flesh, and desperation. At last Suleiman sent a safe conduct and hostages to the commander, Nicholas Jurischitz, inviting him to a conference. He came, and was received with honours by the Grand Vizier; his courage and generalship was sorrowfully praised, the Sultan presented him with a robe, guaranteed him against further attack, and sent him back to his citadel under  a handsome escort of Turkish officers. The invincible avalanche, defeated by 700 men, passed on to Vienna.

But there too, Suleiman lost his prey. Charles would not come out to fight; he would have been foolish to forfeit the advantage of his defences for the gamble of the open field. The Sultan turned away, ravaged Styria and Lower Austria, and took stray captives to grace his defeat. It would have been no comfort to him to hear that while he was marching uselessly back and forth across Hungary, Andea Doria had chased the Turkish fleet into hiding, and captured Patras and Coron.

When Ferdinand sent an emissary to Constantinople to seek peace Suleiman welcomed him; he would grant peace “not for seven years, not for twenty-four years, not for a hundred years, but for  two centuries, three centuries, indeed forever -- if Ferdinand himself would not break it, and he would  treat Ferdinand as a son”. However  he asked a heavy price. Ferdinand must send him the keys to the city of Grau. Charles and Ferdinand were so eager to free their arms against Christians that they were ready to make concessions to the Turks. Ferdinand sent the keys, and acknowledged Suleiman’s sovereignty over much of Hungary. No peace was made with Charles.

Putting theology aside Suleiman agreed to co-operate with Francis I in another campaign against Charles. He offered the most amiable terms to the king; peace should be made with Charles only on his surrendering Genoa, Milan, and Flanders to France; French merchants were permitted to sail, buy, and sell throughout the Ottoman Empire on equal terms with the Turks; French consuls in that realm were to have civil and criminal jurisdiction over all Frenchmen there, and these were to enjoy full religious freedom. The “capitulations” so signed became a model for latter treaties of Christian powers with Eastern states.

Charles countered by forming an alliance of the Empire, Venice, and the papacy. Ferdinand joined in; so short was forever. Venice bore the brunt of the Turkish attack, lost her possessions in the Aegean  and on the Dalmatian coast, and signed a separate peace( 1540). A year later Suleiman’s puppet in Buda died and the Sultan made Hungary an Ottoman province. Ferdinand sent an envoy to Turkey to ask for peace, and another to Persia urging the Shah to attack the Turks. Suleiman marched west, took more of Hungary into the pashalik of Buda. In 1547, busy with Persia, he granted the West a five year armistice. Both sides violated it. Pope Paul IV appealed to the Turks  to attack Phillip II, who was more papal than the popes. The death of Francis and Charles left Ferdinand a freer hand to come to terms. In the Peace of Prague (1562), he acknowledged Suleiman’s rule in Hungary and Moldavia, pledged a yearly tribute of 30,000 ducats, and agreed to pay 90,000 ducats as arrears.

Two years later he followed his brother. Suleiman had survived all his major enemies, and how many popes had he not out lived? He was the master of Egypt, North Africa, Asia Minor, Palestine, Syria, the Balkans, and Hungary. The Turkish navy ruled the Mediterranean, the Turkish army had proved its prowess east and west. The Ottomans were now the strongest power in Europe and Africa, if not in the world.


3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2371 on: February 18, 2015, 07:26:05 PM »
Who has heard of the town of Güns ?  Durant does not say. Could that be where our word gun comes from? And what a victory !  700 men against many thousands.... It must be the biggest military defeat in history....  Bigger than the Soviet loss in Afghanistan or the U.S.’s in Vietnam. News these days here in NZ is that the U.S. has asked us to join them and return our troops to Iraq. Not as a fighting force, but as a training force of the Iraqi army..... nudge, nudge, wink, wink ! And so the unending 1380 year war in the Middle East goes on ....  Trevor.

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2372 on: February 19, 2015, 04:19:02 PM »
GOOGLE :

Middle English gunne, gonne, perhaps from a nickname for the Scandinavian name Gunnhildr, from gunnr + hildr, both meaning ‘war.’

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2373 on: February 20, 2015, 10:29:54 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. Vi  THE REFORMATION
Pgs. 708 - 711



                                      THE OTTOMAN CIVILIZATION.

Were they civilized? Of course; the notion that the Turks were barbarians as compared with the Christians is a self-propping delusion. Their agricultural methods and science were at least as good as those of the West. The land was tilled by tenants of feudal chieftains who in each generation had to earn their holdings by serving the sultan satisfactorily in administration and war. Except in textiles, ceramics, and perhaps in arms and armour, industry had not yet developed a factory system as in Florence or Flanders, but Turkish craftsmen were famous for their excellent products, and the absence of capitalism was not mourned by rich or poor. Trade between Turk and Turk was noted for its relative honesty, but between Turk and Christian no holds were barred. Foreign commerce was mostly left to foreigners. Moslem caravans moved patiently over the ancient and medieval land routes into Asia and Africa, even across the Sahara; and Caravansaries, many of them set up by Suleiman, offered the merchant and traveller resting places on the way. Moslem vessels, till 1500, controlled the sea routes from Constantinople and Alexandria through the Red Sea to India and the East Indies, where exchange was made with goods borne by Chinese junks. After the opening of India to Portuguese merchants by the voyage of Da Gama and the naval victories of Albuquerque, the Moslems lost control of the Indian Ocean, and Egypt, Syria, Persia, and Venice entered into a common commercial decline.

The Turk was a man of the sea and the land, and gave less thought to religion than most other Mohammedans. Yet, he too reverenced mystics, dervishes and saints, took his law from the Koran, and his education from the mosque. Like the Jews, he shunned graven images in his worship, and looked upon Christians as polytheistic idolaters.  Church and state were one; the Koran and the traditions were basic law; and the same ulema, or association of scholars, that expounded the Holy Book, also provided the Teachers, Lawyers, Judges, and Jurists of the realm. It was such scholars who, under Mohammed II and Suleiman I compiled the definitive Ottoman codes of law.

At the head of the ulema was the mufti or ‘sheik ul-Islam”, the highest judge in the land after the sultan and grand vizier. As sultans had to die, while the ulema enjoyed a collective permanence, these theologian-lawyers were the rulers of everyday life in Islam. Because they interpreted the present in terms of past law, their influence was strongly conservative, and shared in the stagnation of Moslem civilization after Suleimans death. Fatalism -- the Turkish ‘qismet’ or lot -- furthered this conservatism; since the fare of every soul had been predetermined by Allah, rebellion against one’s lot was impiety and shallowness; all things, death in particular, were in the hands of Allah, and must be accepted without complaint. Occasionally a free thinker spoke too frankly, and in rare instances, was condemned to death. Usually, however, the ulema allowed much liberty of thought, and there was no Inquisition in Turkish Islam.

Christians and Jews received a large measure of religious freedom under the Ottomans, and were permitted to rule themselves by their own laws in matters not involving a Moslem. Mohammed II deliberately fostered the Greek Orthodox Church because the mutual distrust of Greek and Roman Catholics served the Turks in countering crusades. Though the Christians  prospered under the  sultans, they suffered serious disabilities.Technically they were slaves, but they could end that status by accepting Mohammedanism, and millions did. Those who rejected Islam were excluded from the army, for Moslem wars were ostensibly holy wars for the conversion of infidels. Such Christians were subject to a special tax in lieu of military service; they were usually tenent farmers, paying a tenth of their produce to the owner of the land; and they had  to surrender one infant out of every ten to be brought up as a Moslem in the service of the sultan.

The sultan, the army, and the ulema were the state. At the Sultan’s call each feudal chieftain came with his levy to form the  sipahis or cavalry, which under Suleiman’s reign reached the remarkable figure of 130,000 men. Ferdinand’s ambassador envied the splendour of their equipment: clothing of brocade or silk in scarlet, bright yellow, or dark blue; helmets gleaming with gold, silver, and jewelry, on the finest horses that Busbeq had ever seen. An elite infantry was formed from captive or tributary Christian children, who were brought up to serve the sultan in his palace, in administration, and above all in the army, where they were called ‘yeni cheri ‘( new soldiers ) which the West corrupted into Janissaries. Murad I had originated this unique corps (c.1360), perhaps as way of freeing his Christian population from potentially dangerous youth.  They were not numerous -- some 20,000 under Suleiman. They were highly trained in all the skills of war, they were forbidden to marry or engage in economic activities. They were indoctrinated with martial pride and ardor and the Mohammedan faith, and they were as brave in war as they were restlessly discontent in peace. The favourite weapon was still the bow and arrow and lance; firearms were just coming into use; and at close quarters men wielded the mace and short sword. Suleimans army and military science were the best in the world at the time; no other army equaled it in handling artillery, in sapping and military engineering, in discipline and morale, in the care of the health of the troops, in the provisioning of great numbers of men through great distances. However , the means were too excellent merely to serve an end; the army became an end in its self; to be kept in condition and restraint it had to have wars; and after Suleiman, the army -- above all the Janissaries -- became masters of the sultans.

The conscripted and converted sons of Christians formed most of the administrative staff of central Turkish government. We should have expected that a Moslem sultan would fear to be surrounded by men who might, like Scanderbeg, yearn for the faith of their fathers; on the contrary, Suleiman preferred these converts because they could be trained from childhood for specific functions of administration. Very likely the bureaucracy of the  Ottoman state was the most efficient in existence in the first half of the sixteenth century, though it was notoriously subject to bribery. The Diwan or Divan, like the cabinet in Western government, brought together the heads of administration, usually under the presidency of the Grand Vizier. The Judiciary was manned by qadis ( judges) and mullas (superior Judges) from the ulema. A great English historian believed that “under the early Ottoman rulers the administration of justice was better in Turkey than in any European land.” The streets of Constantinople were policed by Janissaries and were probably freer from murders than any other capital in Europe. The regions that fell under Moslem rule -- Rhodes, Greece, the Balkans -- preferred it to their former condition under the Knights or Byzantines or the Venetians, and even Hungary thought it fared better under Suleiman than under the Hapsburgs.

However, the law of imperial fratricide was barbarous. Mohammes II had phrased it frankly in his Book of Laws: “The majority of the legists have declared that those of my illustrious children who shall ascend the throne shall have the right to execute their brothers, in order to ensure the peace of the world; they are to act accordingly”; that is, the Conqueror calmly condemned to death all but the eldest born of his royal progeny. It was another discredit to the Ottoman system that the property of a person condemned to death reverted to the Sultan, who was therefore under perpetual provocation to improve his finances by closing his mind to an appeal; we should add that Suleiman resisted this temptation. As against such vices of autocracy we may acknowledge in the Ottoman government an indirect democracy: the road to every dignity but the sultinate was open to all Moslems, even to all converted Christians.



JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2374 on: February 22, 2015, 04:07:03 PM »
Sounds like, if you weren't the brother of the Sultan, you were better off than the Europeans. Wonder if he'll talk about the place of women.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2375 on: February 25, 2015, 03:07:09 AM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  THE REFORMATION
Pgs. 707 - 711



                                         OTTOMAN MORALS

The diversity of Ottoman from Christian ways flagrantly illustrated the geographical and temporal variation of moral codes. Polygamy reigned quietly where Byzantine Christianity had so recently exacted formal monogamy; women hid themselves in seraglios, or behind veils, where once they had mounted the throne of the Caesars; and Suleiman attended dutifully to the needs of his harem with none of the qualms of conscience that might have disturbed or enhanced the sexual escapades of Francis I, Charles V, Henry VIII, or Alexander VI. Turkish civilization, like that of ancient Greece, kept women in the background, and allowed considerable freedom to sexual deviations. Ottoman homosexuality flourished where “Greek Friendship” had once won battles and inspired philosophers.

The Turks were allowed by the Koran four wives and some concubines, but only a minority could afford the extravagance. The warring Ottomans, often far removed from their wanted women, took as wives or concubines, “currente thalamo,” the widows or daughters of the Christians they had conquered. No racial prejudice intervened: Greek, Mongol, Bulgarian, Serbian, Hungarian, German, Italian, Russian, Persian, and Arab women were welcomed with open arms, and became the mothers of children, who were all alike accepted as legitimate and Ottoman. Adultery was hardly necessary under the circumstances, and when it occurred it was severely punished: the woman was obliged to buy an ass and ride it through the city; a man was flogged with one hundred strokes, and was required to kiss and reward the executioner who dealt them. A husband could secure a divorce by a mere declaration of intent, but a wife could free herself only by complex and deterrent litigation.

Suleiman remained a bachelor till his fortieth year. Since the wife Bajazet had been captured and allegedly abused by Timur and his Tatars, the Ottoman sultans, to forestall another such indignity, had made it a rule not to marry, and admit none but slaves to their bed. Suleiman’s seraglio contained some 300 concubines, all bought in the market or captured in war, and nearly all of Christian origin. When they expected a visit from the sultan they attired themselves in their finest robes and stood in line to greet him; he saluted courteously as many as time allowed, and placed his handkerchief on the shoulder of one who especially pleased him. That evening, on retiring, he asked that the recipient should return his handkerchief. The next morning she would be presented with a  dress of cloth of gold, and her allowance would be increased. The sultan might remain in the harem two or three nights, spreading his bounty; then he would return to his own palace to live day and night with men. Women rarely appeared in his palace, and took no part in state dinners or ceremonies. Nevertheless it was considered a great honour to be assigned to the seraglio. Any inmate of it who reached the age of twenty-five without earning a handkerchief was freed, and usually found a husband of high estate. In Suleiman’s case the institution did not lead to physical degradation, for in most matters he was a man of signal moderation. 

Social life among the Ottomans was unisexual, and lacked the gay stimulation of women’s charms and laughing chatter. Yet manners were as refined as in  Christendom, probably more refined than in any lands except China, India, Italy, and  France. Domestic slaves were numerous, but they were humanely treated, many laws protected them, and manumission was easy. Though public sanitation was poor, personal cleanliness was common. The institution of public baths, which the Persians seem to have taken from Hellenistic Syria, was transmitted to the Turks. In Constantinople and other large cities of the Ottoman Empire the public baths were built of marble and attractively decorated. Some Christian saints had prided themselves on avoiding water; the Moslem was required to make his ablutions before entering the mosque or saying his prayers; in  Islam cleanliness was really next to Godliness. Table manners were no better than in Christendom; meals were eaten with the fingers off wooden plates; there were no forks. Wine was never drunk in the house; there was much drinking of it in taverns, but there was less drunkenness than in Western lands. Coffee came into use among the Moslems in the fourteenth century; we hear of it first in Abyssinia; then it appears to have passed into Arabia. The Moslems, we are told, used it originally to keep themselves awake during religious services. We find no mention of it by a European writer until 1592.

Physically, the Turk was tough and strong, and famed for endurance. Even the ordinary Turk carried himself with dignity, helped by robes that concealed the absurdities of the well fed form. Commoners donned a simple fez, which dressy persons enveloped in a turban. Both sexes had a passion for flowers; Turkish gardens were famous for their colour; thence, apparently, came into Western Europe the lilac, tulip, mimosa, cherry laurel, and ranunculus. There was an aesthetic side to the Turks which their wars hardly revealed. We are surprised to be told by Christian travellers that except in war they were “not by nature cruel,” but “docile, tractable, gentle . . . lovable, and generally kind.” Francis Bacon complained that they seemed  kinder to animals than to men. Cruelty emerged when security of the faith was threatened; then the wildest passion was let loose.

The Turkish code was especially hard in war. No foe was entitled to quarter; women and children were spared, but able bodied enemies, even if unarmed and unresisting, might be slaughtered without sin. And yet many cities captured by Turks fared better than Turkish cities captured by Christians. When Ibrahim Pasha took Tabriz and Baghdad (1534) he forbade his soldiers to pillage them or harm the inhabitants; when Suleiman again took Tabriz ( 1548) he too preserved it from plunder or massacre, but when Charles V took Tunis (1535) he could pay his army only by letting it loot. Turkish law however, rivalled the Christian in barbarous penalties. Thieves had a hand cut off to shorten their grasp.

Most of the administrative offices of the central government were located in the ‘serai’ or imperial quarters. To this enclosure, three miles in circuit, admission was by a single gate, highly ornamented and called by the French the Sublime Porte -- a term which, by a whimsy of speech, came to mean the Ottoman government itself. Second only to the sultan in this centralized organization was the Grand Vizier. The word came from the Arabic ‘wazir’, bearer of burdens. He bore many, for he was the head of the Diwan, the bureaucracy, the judiciary, the army, and the diplomatic corps.The heaviest obligation was to please the sultan in all matters, for the vizier was usually an ex-Christian, technically a slave, and could be executed without trial at a word from his master. Suleiman proved his own good judgment in choosing Ibrahim Pasha, a Greek who had been captured by Moslem corsairs and brought to Suleiman as a promising slave. The Sultan found him so diversely competent that he entrusted him with more and more power, paid him 60,000 ducats a year, gave him a sister in marriage, regularly ate with him, and enjoyed his conversation. This was one of the great friendships of history, almost in the tradition of Classic Greece.

One wisdom Ibrahim lacked-- to conceal with external modesty his internal pride. He had many reasons to be proud: it was he who raised the Turkish government to its highest efficiency, whose diplomacy divided the West by arranging the alliance with France, he who, while Suleiman marched into Hungary, pacified Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt by reforming abuses and dealing justly and affably with all. However, he angered the army by forbidding it to sack Tabriz and Baghdad, and trying to prevent its sack of Buda. In that pillage he rescued part of Matthias library, and three bronze statues of Hermes, Apollo, and Artemis; these he set up before his palace in Constantinople, and even his liberal master was disturbed by this flouting of the Semitic commandment against  graven images. Gossip charged him with despising the Koran. Roxelana, favourite of the harem, resented Ibrahims  influence, and day by day, with feminine persistence, filled the imperial ear with suspicions and complaints. The Sultan was finally convinced. On March 31 1536 Ibrahim was found strangled in his bed., presumably as a result of royal command. It was a deed whose barbarism matched the burning of Servetus and Berquin.

Official morals were as in Christendom. The Turks were proud of their fidelity to their word, and they usually kept the terms of capitulation offered to surrendering foes. But Turkish casuists, like such Christian counterparts as St. John Capistrano, held that no promise could bind the faithful against the interest or duties of their religion, and that the sultan might abrogate his own treaties, as well as those of his predecessors. Christian travellers reported “honesty, a sense of justice . . benevolence, integrity, and charity” in the average Turk, “ but practically all Turkish office holders were open to bribery”; a Christian historian adds that “most Turkish officials were ex-Christians,” but we should further add that they had been brought up as Moslems. In the provinces the Turkish pasha, like the Roman proconsul, hastened to amass a fortune before the whim of the ruler replaced him; he exacted from his subjects the full price that he had paid for his appointment. The sale of offices was as common in Constantinople or Cairo as in Paris or Rome.


JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2376 on: February 27, 2015, 04:26:20 PM »
"The Moslems, we are told, used it (coffee) originally to keep themselves awake during religious services" A usage which has survived.

What a mix of good and bad in a culture. it's hard to know what to think.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2377 on: March 03, 2015, 05:21:55 PM »
                                             SULEIMAN HIMSELF

It was the west that named Suleiman “the Magnificent”; his own people called him Kanuni, the Lawgiver, because of his share in codifying Ottoman law. He was magnificent, not in appearance but in the size and equipment of his armies, in the scope of his campaigns, in the adornment of his city, in the building of mosques, palaces, and the famous Forty Arches aqueduct; magnificent in the splendour of his surroundings and retinue; magnificent, of course, in the power and reach of his rule. His empire marched from Baghdad to within ninety miles of Vienna, to within 120miles of Venice, the Adriatic’s quondam queen. Except in Persia and Italy all the cities celebrated in Biblical and classical lore were his; Carthage, Memphis, Tyre, Nineveh, Babylon, Palmyra, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Smyrna, Damascus, Ephesus, Nicaea, Athens, and two Thebes. Never had the Crescent held so many lands and seas in the hollow of its curve.

Was the excellence of his rule commensurate with its extent? Probably not, but we should have to say this of any spacious realm except Achaemenid Persia and Rome under the Antonines. The area governed was too vast to be well administered from one centre before the coming of modern communications, transport, and roads. Laxity and corruption ran through the government; yet Luther said; “It is reported that there is no better temporal rule than among the Turks.” In religious toleration Suleiman was bolder and more generous than his Christian compeers: these thought religious conformity necessary to national strength. Suleiman allowed Christians and Jews to practice their religion freely. In November 1561, while Scotland, England,  and Lutheran Germany were making Catholicism a crime, and Italy and Spain were making Protestantism a crime, Suleiman ordered the release of a Christian prisoner, “not wishing to bring any man from his religion by force.” He made a safe home in his empire for Jews fleeing from the Inquisition in Spain  and Portugal. His defects appeared more clearly in his family relations than in his government. His people not only admired him, they loved him. We do not hear in his case, of that addiction to  the harem which was to undermine the health and power of some later sultans. But we do find him so susceptible to the passions of love as to forget justice, prudence, and even parental affection.

In the earlier years of his reign his favourite mistress was a Circassian slave known as the “Rose of Spring” She bore him a son, Mustafa, who grew into a handsome, able, and popular youth. But in the course of love Khurrem -- “The laughing one” a Russian captive whom the west called Roxelana, won the sultan away from the Circassian; and her beauty, gaiety, and wiles  kept him enchanted till tragedy was consummated. Overriding the rule of his recent predecessors, Suleiman made Khurrem his wife (1534), and he rejoiced in the sons and daughters that she gave him. But as he aged, and the prospect of Mustafa’s accession loomed, Khurrem dreaded the fate of her sons, who might legitimately be killed by the new sultan. She succeeded in marrying her daughter to Rustem Pasha, who in 1544 became Grand Vizier; and through his wife, Rustem was brought to share Khurrem’s fear of Mustafa’s coming power.

Meanwhile Mustafa had been sent to govern Diyarbekir, and had distinguished himself by his valour, tact, and generosity. Khurren used his virtues to destroy him; she insinuated to Suleiman that Mustafa was courting popularity with a view to seizing the throne. The harassed Sultan, now fifty-nine, doubted, doubted....wondered.... believed.. He went in person to Eregli, summoned Mustafa to his tent, and had him killed as soon as he appeared.. Khurrem and Rustem then found it simple to induce the Sultan to have Mustafa’s son slain, least the youth should seek revenge. But Salim’s brother Bajazet, seeing assassination as his fate, raised an army to challenge Selim; civil war raged, Bajazet, defeated, fled to Persia ( 1559); Shah Tamasp, for 300,000 ducats from Suleiman and 100,000 from Selim, surrendered the contender; Bajazet was strangled ( 1561), and his five sons were put to death for social security. The ailing Sultan, we are told, thanked Allah that all these troublesome offspring were departed, and he could now live in peace.

But he found peace boring.  He brooded over news that the Knights whom he had ousted from Rhodes were strong in Malta. If Malta could be made safe for Moslems, the Mediterranean would be safe for Islam. In April 1564, he sent a fleet with 20,000 men, to seize the strategic isle. The Knights, skilfully led, fought with their wonted bravery; The Turks captured the fort of St. Elmo by sacrificing 6000 men, but the arrival of a Spanish army compelled the sultan to raise the siege.

The old Magnificent could not end his life on so sour a note. Maximillian II, who had succeeded Ferdinand as emperor, held back the promised tribute by his father, and attacked outposts in Hungary.  Suleiman decided on yet another campaign, and resolved to lead it himself. Through Sofia, Nissa, and Belgrade, he rode with 200,000 men. On the night of September 5-6, 1566, he yielded his life upright in his tent; like Vespasian, he was too proud to take death lying down. The siege had cost the Turks  30,000 men, and summer was fading. A truce was signed, and  the army marched disconsolately back to Constantinople, bringing not victory but a dead emperor.

Compared with his analogues in the West, Suleiman seems at times more civilized, at times more barbarous. Of the four great rulers in the first half of the sixteenth century, Francis, despite his swashbuckling vanity and hesitant persecutions, strikes us as the most civilized, yet he looked to Suleiman as his protector and ally, without whom he might have been destroyed.. Suleiman won his lifelong duel with the West; Charles V had stopped the sultan at Vienna, but what Christian army had dared approach Constantinople? Suleiman was master of the Mediterranean, and for a time it seemed that Rome remained Christian by his and Barbarrosa’s sufferance. He ruled his empire indifferently well, but how much more successfully than poor Charles’ struggling against the princely fragmentation of Germany! He was a despot, by unquestioned custom and the consent of his people; did the absolutism of Henry VIII in England or of Charles in Spain win such public affection and confidence? Charles could hardly have been capable of ordering the execution of his son on mere suspicion of disloyalty; but Charles in his old age could cry out for the blood of heretics, and Henry could send wives and Catholics and Protestants to the block or the pyre without missing a meal. Suleiman’s religious tolerance, limited though it was, makes these executions look barbarous by comparison. 

Suleiman fought too many wars, killed half his progeny, had a creative vizier slain without warning or trial; he had faults that go with unchecked power. But beyond question he was the greatest and ablest ruler of his age.




JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2378 on: March 04, 2015, 01:23:01 AM »
"Suleiman fought too many wars, killed half his progeny, had a creative vizier slain without warning or trial; he had faults that go with unchecked power. But beyond question he was the greatest and ablest ruler of his age."

What an age! No wonder our forefathers insisted on separation of powers and checks and balances.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2379 on: March 11, 2015, 11:15:41 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol.VI   THE REFORMATION
Pgs.720  -  724

                                               THE JEWS  1300 - 1564
                                                              The Wanderers
The Jews of the dispersion found least misery under the sultans in Turkey and the popes in Italy and France. Jewish minorities lived safely in Constantinople, Salonika, Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine, Arabia, Egypt, North Africa, and Moorish Spain. The Berbers gave them a reluctant toleration, yet Simon Duran led a flourishing settlement in Algeria. In Alexandria the Jewish community, as described by Rabbi Obadiah Bertinoro in 1488, lived well, drank too much wine, sat cross-legged on carpets like the Moslems, removed their shoes before entering the synagogue or the home of a friend. German Jews finding refuge in Turkey wrote back to their relatives enthusiastic descriptions of the happy conditions enjoyed there by the Jews. In Palestine the Ottoman Pasha allowed the Jews to build a synagogue on the slopes of Mount Zion. Some western Jews made pilgrimages to Palestine, holding it good fortune to die in the Holy Land, and best of all in Jerusalem.

Nevertheless the centre and zest of Jewish thought in this age were in the unforgiving West. They were the least unfortunate in enlightened Italy. In Naples they enjoyed the friendship of King Robert of Anjou. “Italy has many Jews,” said Erasmus in 1518; “Spain hardly any Christians.” Commerce and finance were respected in Italy, and the Jews who served those necessities were valued as stimulating agents in the economy. The old requirement that Jews should wear a distinguishing badge or garment was generally ignored in the peninsula; well-to-do Jews dressed like the Italians of their class. Jewish youths attended the Universities, and an increasing number of Christians studied Hebrew.

Occasionally some holy hater like St. John of Capistrano would excite his hearers to demand the full enforcement of the “blue law” canonical disabilities against the Jews; but though Capistrano was supported by popes Eugennius IV and Nicholas V, the efficacy of his eloquence was transient in Italy. Another Franciscan friar, Bernardino of Feltre, attacked the Jews so vociferously that the civic authorities of Milan, Ferrara, and Venice ordered him to be silent or decamp. When a three-year-old child was found dead near the house of a Jew in Trent, (1475), Bernadino proclaimed that the Jews had murdered it. The bishop had all the Jews in Trent imprisoned, and some, under duress of torture, said they had slain the boy and drunk his blood as part of a Passover ritual. All the Jews in Trent were burned to death. The corpse of “little Simon” was embalmed, and displayed as a saintly relic; thousands of simple believers made pilgrimages to the new shrine; the story of the alleged  atrocity spread over the alps in to Germany, and intensified anti-Semitic feeling there. The Venetian Senate denounced the tale as a pious fraud, and ordered the authorities within Venetian jurisdiction to protect the Jews. Pope Sixtus IV was urged to canonise Simon, but he refused, and forbade honouring him as a saint; however, Simon was beatified in 1582.

In Rome for centuries the Jews enjoyed fairer conditions of life and liberty than anywhere else in Christendom, partly because the popes were usually men of culture, partly because the city was ruled and divided by uprising and colonna factions too busy fighting each other to spare hostility to others, and perhaps because the Romans were too close to the business side of Christianity to take the religion fanatically. There was yet no Ghetto in Rome; most of the Jews lived in the ‘Septus Hebraicus’ on the left bank of the Tiber, but they did not have to; palaces of the Roman aristocracy rose amid Jewish dwellings, and synagogues near Christian churches. Some oppression remained: the Jews were taxed to support the athletic games, and were forced to send representatives to take part in them, half naked, against Jewish customs and tastes. Racial antagonism survived; Jews were caricatured on the Roman stage and in Carnival farces, but Jewesses were regularly presented as gentle and beautiful; note the contrast between Barabas and Abigail in Marlowe’s ‘Jew of Malta,’, and between Shylock and Jessica in “The Merchant of Venice.”

By and large the popes were as generous to the Jews as could be expected of men who honoured Christ as the Messiah and resented the Jewish belief that the Messiah had yet to come. In establishing the inquisition the popes exempted unconverted Jews from its jurisdiction; it could summon such Jews only for attacks on Christianity, or for attempts to convert a Christian to Judaism. Jews who never ceased professing Judaism were, on the whole, left undisturbed by the Church, though not by the state or the populace. Pope Clement VI made papal Avignon a merciful haven for Jews fleeing from the predatory government of France. Martin V, in 1419 proclaimed to the Catholic world:

         Whereas the Jews are made in the image of God, and a remnant will one day be saved, and whereas they have besought our protection: following in the foot steps of our predecessors, we command that they be not molested in their synagogues; that their laws, rights, and customs be not assailed; that they be not baptised by force, constrained to observe Christian festivals, nor to wear new badges, and that they be not hindered in their business relations with Christians. 

Eugenius IV and Nicholas, issued repressive legislation; but for the rest, says Graetz, “among the masters of Italy, the popes were most friendly to the Jews. Contemporary Jewish writers celebrated gratefully the security enjoyed by their people under the Medici popes. One of them called Clement VII “the most gracious friend of Israel.” Says a learned Jewish historian;

This was the  heyday of the  renaissance period, and a succession of cultured, polished,
 luxurious, worldly wiser popes in Rome regarded the promotion of culture as being as
 important a part of their function as the forwarding of the religious interests of the
 Catholic Church ..... They tended, therefore, from the middle of the fifteenth century
 onward to show a wide tolerance for those who were not Catholic. The Jewish loan-
 bankers constituted an integral part of the economic machinery of their dominions..
 . . . Hence the persecutory regulations that had been elaborated by the Fathers of the
 Church, . . . . were almost entirely neglected by them. Though they were disturbed by
 occasional interludes of violence or fanaticism -- as for example when Savonarola
 obtained control of Florence in 1497 -- the Jews mixed with their neighbours and
           shared their life to a degree that was almost unexampled.

Some once famous figures illustrate these bright days in the relations of Catholics and Jews. Immanuel ben Solomon Haromi (i.e. of Rome ) was born in the same year as Dante ( 1265) and became his friend. Physician by profession, preacher, Biblical scholar, grammarian, scientist, man of wealth and affairs, poet, and “writer of frivolous songs that often passed the bounds of decency”.  One of his poems expresses a distaste foe heaven with all its virtuous people ( he thought only ugly women were virtuous), and a preference for hell, where he expected to find the most tempting beauties of all time. He composed a weak imitation of Dante--- ‘Topheth we-Eden’ (Heaven and Paradise ). In Judaism, as in Protestantism, there was no purgatory. More generous than Dante, he admitted into heaven all “the righteous of the nations of the world;” however, he condemned Aristotle to hell for teaching the eternity of the universe.

A similar spirit of light-hearted humour gave tang and verve to the writings of Kalonymos ben Kalonymos. The King Robert of Naples noticed the young scholar of the Beautiful Name. At first Kalonymos was all for science and philosophy. But when he moved to Rome he became a Jewish Horace, satirizing amiably the faults and foibles of Christians, Jews, and himself. He made fun of the Talmud, and the popularity of this satire among Roman Jews suggests that they were not as pious as their more unhappy brethren in other lands.

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2380 on: March 13, 2015, 03:39:51 PM »
" Pope Clement VI made papal Avignon a merciful haven for Jews fleeing from the predatory government of France."

But I know that during bouts of the plague, the Jews in Avignon were blamed for "poisoning the wells" and many were killed.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2381 on: March 22, 2015, 02:37:31 AM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  The Reformation
Pgs. 724 - 727



                                             The JEWS  (cont.)
The Renaissance revived not only Greek but Hebrew studies. Cardinal Egidio de Viterbo invited Elijah Levita from Germany to Rome (1509); for thirteen years the Jewish scholar lived in the cardinal’s palace as an honoured guest, teaching Egidio, Reuchlin, and other Christian pupils of Jewish teachers. Chairs of Hebrew were established in several Italian universities or academies. Elijah del Medigo, who taught Hebrew at Padua, was so highly regarded there, despite his refusal of conversion, that when a violent controversy broke out among Christian scholars over a problem in scholarship the university and the Venetian Senate appointed Del Medigo to arbitrate, which he did with such erudition and tact that all parties were satisfied. Pico della Mirandola invited him to teach Hebrew in Florence. There Elijah joined the humanist circle of the Medici, and we may still see him among the figures painted by Benozzo Gozzoli on the Medici palace walls. The scholar gave no encouragement to Pico’s notion of  finding Christian dogmas in the Cabala; on the contrary, he ridiculed that apocalypse as a heap of stupefying absurdities.

North of the Alps the Jews were less fortunate than in Italy. They were expelled from England in 1290, from France in 1306, from Flanders in 1370. France recalled them in 1315 on condition of giving to the king two thirds of any money they might collect on loans made before their expulsion; when the royal profits on these operations ended the Jews were banished again, 1321. They returned in time to be blamed for the Black Death and were again exiled, 1349. They were recalled (1360) to lend financial aid and skill in raising money to ransom the captured French King from England. But in 1394 an Israelite converted to Christianity mysteriously disappeared; the Jews were accused of killing him; some tortured Jews confessed that they had advised the convert to return to Judaism; public opinion was inflamed, and Charles VI reluctantly ordered another banishment of the harassed race.

There was a substantial community of Jews in Prague. Some of them wept to hear the summons of Huss's forerunner Milicz because he showed so much knowledge and appreciation of the Old Testament. Huss studied Hebrew, read Hebrew commentaries, and quoted Rashi and Maimonides. The Taborites, who carried Huss’s reforms close to communism called themselves the Chosen People, and gave names Edom, Moab, and Amalek to the German provinces against which they waged war. The Hussite armies, however, were not averse to killing Jews; when they captured Prague ( 1421) they gave them not the Mohammedan choice of conversion or taxation, but the simpler choice of apostasy or death.

Of all the Christian states Poland was second only to Italy in hospitality to the Jews. In 1098, 1146, and 1196 many Jews migrated from Germany to Poland to avoid death at the hands of Crusaders. They were well received, and prospered; by 1207 some of them owned large estates. In 1264 King Boleslav the Pious gave them a charter of civil rights. After the Black Death more Germans moved to Poland, and were welcomed by the ruling aristocracy as a progressive economic ferment in a nation still lacking a middle class. Casimir III the Great (1333-70) confirmed and extended the rights of the Polish Jews, and the Grand Duke Vitovst guaranteed these rights to the Jews of Lithuania. But in 1407 a priest told his congregation at Cracow the Jews had killed a Christian boy and had gloated over his blood; the charge provoked a massacre. Casimir IV renewed and again enlarged the liberties of the Jews (1447); “we desire,” he said, “that the Jews, whom we wish to protect in our own interest as well as in the interest of the royal exchequer, should feel comforted in our beneficent reign.”  The clergy denounced the king; Archbishop Olesnicki threatened him with hell-fire; and John of Capistrano, coming to Poland as papal legate, delivered incendiary speeches in the market place of Cracow (1543). When the king suffered defeat in war the cry arose that he had been punished by God for favouring infidels. As he needed the support of the clergy in further war, he recindered his charter of Jewish liberties. Pogroms occurred in 1463 and 1494. Perhaps to prevent such attacks, the Jews of Cracow were thereafter required to live in a suburb, Kazimierz.

There, and in other Polish or Lithuanian centres, the Jews, overcoming all obstacles, grew in number and prosperity. Under Sigismund I their liberties were restored, except of residence; and they remained in favour with Sigismund II. In 1556 three Jews in the town of Sokhachev were charged with having stabbed a consecrated Host and made it bleed; they protested their innocence, but were burned at the stake by order of the bishop of Khelm. Sigismund II denounced the accusation as a “pious fraud” designed to prove to Jews and Protestants that the consecrated bread had really been changed into the body and blood of Christ. “I am shocked by this hideous villainy,” said the King; “nor am I sufficiently devoid of common sense as to believe that there could be any blood in the Host.”  But with the death of this sceptical ruler ( 1572) the era of good feelings between the government and the Jews of Poland came to an end.

For a time the Jews lived peaceably in medieval Germany. They functioned actively along the great river avenues of trade, in the free cities and the ports; even archbishops asked Imperial permission to harbour Jews. By the Golden Bull (1355) the Emperor Charles IV shared with the Imperial electors the privilege of having Jews as ‘servi camerae” -- servants of the chamber; i.e., the electors were empowered to receive Jews into their dominions, protect them, use them and mulct them. In Germany, as in Italy, students eager to understand the Old Testament at first hand learned Hebrew; the conflict between Reuchlin and Pfefferkorn stimulated this study; and the first complete  printing of the Talmud (1520) provided further impetus.

The influence of Judaism culminated in the Reformation. Theologically this was a reversion to the simpler creed and severer ethic of early Judaic Christianity. Protestant hostility to religious pictures and statuary was, of course, a return to Semitic antipathy to “graven images”; some Protestant sects observed Saturday as the Sabbath; the rejection of “Mariolatry” and the worship of saints approached the strict monotheism of the Jews; and the new ministers, accepting sex and marriage, resembled the Rabbis rather than the Catholic priests. Critics of the Reformers accused them of Judaizing, called them “semi Judaei”, ‘half Jews;’ Carlstadt himself said the Melanchthon wanted to go back to Moses; Calvin included Judaizing among the seven deadly sins of Servetus, and the Spaniard admitted that his Hebrew studies had influenced him in questioning the Trinitarian theology. Calvin’s rule in Geneva recalled the dominance of the priesthood in ancient Israel. Zwingli confessed himself enchanted by the Hebrew language:

“I found the Holy Tongue beyond all belief cultivated, graceful, and dignified. Although poor in the number of words, yet its lack is not felt because it makes use of its store in so manifold a fashion. No language is so rich in many-sided and meaningful modes of imagery. No language so delights and quickens the human heart.”

Luther was not so enthusiastic. “How I hate people,” he complained, “who lug in so many languages as Zwingli does; he spoke Greek and Hebrew in the pulpit at Marburg.” In the irritability of his senility Luther attacked the Jews as if he had never learned anything from them; no man is a hero to his debtor. In a pamphlet
“ Concerning the Jews and Their Lies” ( 1542) he discharged a volley of arguments against the Jews: that they had refused to accept Christ as God, that their age-long sufferings proved God’s hatred of them, that they were insolent intruders in Christian lands, and in their usurious prosperity: that the Talmud sanctioned the deception, robbery, and killing of Christians; that they poisoned springs and wells, and murdered Christian children to use their blood in Jewish rituals.

We have seen in his ageing character, how he advised the Germans to burn down the homes of Jews, to close their synagogues and schools, to confiscate their wealth, to conscript their men and women to forced labour, and to give all Jews a choice between Christianity and having their tongues torn out. In a sermon delivered shortly before his death he added that Jewish physicians were deliberately poisoning
Christians. These utterances helped to make Protestantism -- so indebted to Judaism --
more anti-Semitic than official Catholicism; though not more so than the Christian populace. They set the tone in Germany for centuries, and prepared its people for genocidal holocausts.



JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2382 on: March 24, 2015, 05:10:17 PM »
"the Christian populace. They set the tone in Germany for centuries, and prepared its people for genocidal holocausts."

I wonder if this is fair. Anti-Semitism seems to come in waves (I suspect when times are hard, and a scapegoat is needed to vent frustration on), and then subside.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2383 on: March 27, 2015, 09:55:17 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  THE REFORMATION
Pgs. 727 - 751




                                      THE JEWS  (cont.)

Why did Christians and Jews hate each other? Doubtless a pervasive and continuing reason was a vital conflict in religious creeds. The Jews were a perennial challenge to the fundamental tenets of Christianity.

This religious hostility led to a racial segregation at first voluntary, later compulsory, issuing in the establishment of the first ghetto in 1516. The segregation accentuated differences of dress, ways, features, worship, and speech; these differences encouraged mutual distrust and fear; this fear generated hate. The Jews turned into a glory their usual exclusion from marriage with Christians; their pride of race boasted of descent from kings who had ruled Israel a thousand years before Christ. They scorned the Christians as superstitious polytheists, a little slow of mind, mouthing gentle hypocrisies amid merciless brutalities, worshiping a Prince of peace and repeatedly waging fratricidal wars. The Christians scorned the Jews as outlandish and unprepossessing infidels. Thomas More told of a pious lady who was shocked to learn that the virgin was a Jewess, and who confessed that thereafter she would be unable to love the mother of God as fervently as before.

The theory of the Eucharist became a tragedy for the Jews. Christians were required to believe that the priest transformed the wafer of unleavened bread into the body and blood of Christ; some Christians, like the lollards, doubted it; stories of consecrated wafers bleeding at the prick of a knife or a pin could strengthen belief; and who would do so horrible a deed but a Jew? Such legends of a bleeding host were plentiful in late medieval centuries,. In several cases, as at Neuburg ( near Passau ) in 1338, and at Brussels in 1369, the allegations led to the murder of Jews and the burning of their homes. In Brussels a chapel was set up in the cathedral of St. Gudule to commemorate the bleeding Host of 1369, and the miracle was annually celebrated with a festival that became the Flemish Kermess. In Neuberg a clerk confessed that he had dipped an unconsecrated Host in blood; had hidden it in a church, and had accused the Jews of stabbing it. It should be added that enlightened ecclesiastics like Nicholas of Cusa condemned as shameful cruelties the legends of Jewish attacks on the Host.

Economic rivalries hid behind religious hostility. While the papal prohibition of interest was respected among Christians, the Jews acquired almost a monopoly of money lending in Christendom. When Christian bankers ignored the taboo on usury, firms like the Bardi, Pitti, and Strozzi in Florence, the Welsers, Hochstetters, and Fuggers in Augsburg, rose to challenge this monopoly, and a new focus of irritation formed. Both Christian and Jewish bankers charged high interest rates, reflecting the risks of lending money in an unstable economy rendered more unstable by rising prices and debased currencies. Jewish lenders ran greater risks than their competitors; the collection of debts owed by Christians to Jews was uncertain and hazardous; ecclesiastical authorities might declare a moratorium on debts, as in the Crusades; kings might, and did, lay confiscatory taxes upon Jews and absolve their debtors, or force loans from them, or expel the Jews, or exact a share in permitted collections. North of the Alps nearly all classes except business still regarded interest as usury, and condemned the Jewish bankers especially when borrowing from them. Since Jews were generally the most experienced financiers, they were in several countries employed by the kings to manage the finances of the state; and the sight of rich Jews holding lucrative posts and collecting taxes from the people inflamed popular resentment.

Even so, some Christian communities welcomed Jewish bankers. Frankfurt offered them special privileges on condition that they would charge only 32%, while their rate to others was 43%. This seems shocking, but we hear of Christian money lenders charging up to 266%; the Holzschuhers of Nuremberg charged 220% in 1304; The Christian lenders in Brindisi charged 240% We hear of towns calling for the return of Jewish bankers as more lenient than their Christian counterparts. Ranenna stipulated, in a treaty with Venice, that Jewish financiers should be sent to it to open credit banks for the promotion of agriculture and industry.

Nationalism added another note to the hymn of hate. Each nation thought it needed ethnic and religious unity, and demanded the absorption or conversion of its Jews. Several Church councils, and some popes, were aggressively hostile. The council of Vienne(1312) forbade all intercourse between Christians and Jews. The Council of  Zamora (1313) ruled Jews must be kept in servitude. The Council of Basel ( 1431-33) renewed canonical decrees forbidding Christians to associate with Jews, to serve them or to use them as physicians, and instructed secular authorities to confine Jews to separate quarters, compel them to wear a distinguishing badge, and ensure their attendance at sermons aimed to convert them. Pope Eugenius IV, at war with the Council of Basel dared not to be outdone by it, in troubling the Jews; he confirmed the disabilities decreed by that Council, and added that Jews should be ineligible for any public office, could not inherit property from Christians, must build no more synagogues, and must stay in their homes, behind closed doors and windows, in Passion Week( a wise precaution against Christian violence); moreover the testimony of Jews against Christians should have no validity in law. Eugenius complained that some Jews spoke scandalously about Jesus and Mary, and this was probably true; hatred begot hate.  In a later bull Eugenius ordered that any Jew found reading the Talmudic literature should suffer confiscation of property. Pope Nicholas V commissioned St. John of Capistrano (1447), to see to it that every clause of this repressive legislation should be enforced, and authorised him to seize the property of any Jewish Physician who treated a Christian.

[ DURANT follows with several pages listing the terrible killing of Jews in the pogroms of the 14 and 15 centuries. I propose to move on to study instead the lives of the other citizens, who, while committing these attacks on Jews, were themselves experiencing both victories and hardships in the harsh life of those times.. . .  If I may ? Trevor]

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2384 on: March 29, 2015, 04:25:18 PM »
Of course. remember Robby always skipped anything he found tedious, and you have full permission from me to do the same.

Anyone disagree?

"Thomas More told of a pious lady who was shocked to learn that the virgin was a Jewess, and who confessed that thereafter she would be unable to love the mother of God as fervently as before."

I wonder what would have happened if someone had told her that Christ was a Jew?

There seems to be no limit to the hatred humans can show to one another!

mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2385 on: March 29, 2015, 10:32:10 PM »
Yes, Robby didn't give us every part of the book. I trust your judgment Trevor, as i did Robbie's. Please do.

Jean

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2386 on: April 01, 2015, 04:45:49 AM »
Durants'   S  o  C
Vol.VI  THE REFORMATION
Pgs. 751 - 753


                                             The Life of The People

In one sense  the drama of religious, political, and martial conflict that filled the front of the sixteenth century was superficial, for it proceeded only by permission of a deeper drama behind the historic scenes or beneath the pompous stage -- man’s daily and perpetual battle with the soil, the elements, poverty, and death. What after all were the bulls and blasts of popes and Protestants, the rival absurdities of murderous mythologies, the strut and succession, gout and syphilis, of emperors and kings, compared with the inexorable struggle for food, shelter, clothing, health, mates, children, life ?

Throughout this period the villagers of Europe had to keep watch night and day against wolves, wild boars, and other threats to their flocks and homes. The hunting stage survived within the agricultural age; man had to kill or be killed, and weapons of defence made possible the routine of toil. A thousand insects, the beasts of the forest, and the birds of the air competed with the peasant for fruit of his seeds and drudgery; and mysterious diseases decimated his herds. At any time the rains might become erosive torrents or engulfing floods, or they might hold back till all life withered; hunger was always around the corner, and fear of fire was never far from mind. Sickness made frequent calls; doctors were distant; and in almost every decade plague might carry off some member of the household, precious in the affections of the family or in the siege of the earth. Of every five children born, two died in infancy, another before maturity At least once in each generation the recruiting officer took a son for the army, and armies burned villages and ravaged fields. From the crop at  last grown and harvested, a tenth or more went to the landlord, a tenth to the Church. Life on the land would have been too hard for body or soul had not happiness intervened in the gaiety of children, the games of the evening home, the release of song, the amnesia of the tavern, and the half believed, half doubted hopes of another and more merciful world. So the food was produced that fed the barons in the castle, the kings in their courts, the priests in their pulpits, the merchants and craftsmen in the towns, the physicians, teachers, artists, poets, scientists, philosophers, and, last and least, the slaves of the soil themselves. Civilisation is a parasite on the man with the hoe.

Agricultural science marked time; progress in productivity came chiefly through the replacement of small holdings by large tracts. The new land-owning merchants and capitalists brought into stagnant rural areas a lust for profits that increased both production and misery. Enterprising importers introduced into Europe a new fertilizer rich in phosphates and nitrogen -- the guano or dung deposited by birds of the coast of Peru, -- and shrubs from Asia or America were naturalised in the soil of Europe; the potato, magnolia tree, the century plant, the pepper plant, the dahlia, the nasturtium . . the potato plant was brought from  Mexico to Spain in 1558; a year later Jean Nicot, French ambassador in Lisbon, sent some seeds of it to Catherine de Medicis; history rewarded him by giving his name to a poison.
                 
The fishing industry grew as population increased, but the Reformation dealt a passing blow to the herring trade by allowing meat on Fridays. Mining progressed rapidly under capitalistic organisation . Newcastle was exporting coal in 1549. The Fuggers multiplied the output of the mines by prodding labour to greater and more orderly effort, and by improving the methods of refining ore. 
Georg Agricola takes us into a sixteenth century mine:

The chief kinds of workmen are miners shovelers, windlass men, carriers, sorters, washers, and smelters. The twenty-four hours of a day and night are divided into three shifts, and each shift consists of seven hours. The three remaining hours are intermediate between the shifts, and form an interval during which the workmen enter and leave the mines. The first shift begins at the fourth hour in the morning, and lasts until the eleventh hour; the second begins at the twelfth hour and is finished at the seventh; these two are day shifts in the morning and afternoon. The third is the nightshift, and commences at the eighth hour in the evening and finishes at the third hour in the morning. The Bergmeister does not allow this third shift to be imposed on the workmen unless necessity demands it. In that case . . . they keep their vigil by the night lamps, and to prevent themselves falling asleep from the late hours or fatigue, they lighten their long and arduous labours by singing, which is neither wholly untrained nor unpleasing. In some places one miner is not allowed to undertake two shifts in succession, because it often happens that he falls asleep in the mine, overcome by exhaustion from too much labour . . . . Elsewhere he is allowed to do so, because he cannot subsist on the pay of one shift, especially if provisions grow dearer. The labourers do not work on Saturdays, but buy those things which are necessary to life, nor do they usually work on Sundays or annual festivals, but on those occasions devote the shift to holy things. However, the workmen do not rest . . . if necessity demands their labour. Sometimes the rush of water compels them to work, sometimes an impending rock fall . . .  and at such times it is not considered irreligious to work on holidays. Moreover, all workmen of this class are strong, and used to toil from birth.       

In 1527 Georg Agricola was made city physician of Joachimsthal. In that mining town he became between times a mineralogist; there and elsewhere he studied with zeal and fascination the history and operations of mining and metallurgy; and after 20 years of research he completed ( 1550) his ’De re metallica’, which is as epochal a classic in its field as the masterpieces of Copernicus and Vesalius appearing in the same decade He was the first to assert that bismuth and antimony are true primary metals; he distinguished some twenty mineral species not previously recognised; and he was the first to explain the formation of veins (canales, channels ) of ore in beds of rock by metallic deposits left by streams of water flowing into and under the earth.*
Mining, metallurgy, and textiles received most of the mechanical improvements credited to this age. The earliest railways were those on which miners pulled or pushed ore-carrying carts. In 1533 Johann Jürgen added to the spinning wheel, hitherto spun by hand, a treadle that spun it by foot, leaving the hands of the weaver free; production soon doubled. Watches were improved in reliability while diminishing in size; they were engraved, chased, enamelled, bejewelled; Henry VIII wore a tiny one that had to be wound only every week. However, the best watches of this period erred by some fifteen minutes per day.
*    Agricola rejected as useless the divining rod or “forked twig” then often employed to detect metals under the soil. Our Geiger counters incline us to look with lenience upon these hopeful rods.     { Just what Geiger counters have to do with water divining escapes me. -- Trevor }

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2387 on: April 01, 2015, 05:25:21 AM »
I think the first two paragraphs in the above selection contain some of the most powerful writing I have found in Durant's essays. Excellent stuff....

"Civilisation is a parasite on the man with the hoe." I guess this remark refers to the famous painting of " the man with a hoe."

"Bowed by the weight of the centuries he stands and leans upon his hoe,
The darkness of the ages in his face."

 I'm sure you all remember that painting.

In explaining life for the workers in sixteenth century mines, I thought I was reading the employment contract under which I spent forty years of shift work as a government aviation weather forecaster. The working laws were very much like those of the sixteenth century, and had been enacted in New Zealand by the first Labour Government way back in 1936. Very socialistic for their times. Sad commentary on what must have happened  in those years Sixteenth century to the early Twentyith century. Life for the workers during those  centuries must have been tough.
Trevor .

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2388 on: April 03, 2015, 04:38:09 PM »
Yes, that's one thing I love about the Durants. They know that kings and wars are the surface of history, and below that propping it up, are people like us and the lives we lead. That's what I always want to hear about.

mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2389 on: April 04, 2015, 05:26:03 PM »
Oh, yes, i like those two paragraphs also. I wish i had known about this passage when i was trying to have students understand how fragile life was before WWII. Those two paragraphs are a good summary, giving a graphic picture of most people's lives. A book that also gives that picture (altho being a book instead of two paragraphs, it would not have appealed to the students much) is Barbara Tuchman's The (something) Mirror, (I'll get back to you on the correct title) about 14th century Europe, not a good time or place to be alive.

The third paragraph reminds me of the tv show Connections with James Burke. I've recently discovered that he has done more of those shows and you can see them on youtube. Apparently the new ones weren't shown on American tv. The ones i remember were on PBS in the 80s, i believe. Love them. Meandering from one subject to another. I did have some wonderful charts for my students on the "Columbian Exchange", all those products and animals that crossed the Atlantic in both directions and were new to the people on both sides of the ocean.

A Distant Mirror

Jean

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2390 on: April 04, 2015, 06:10:37 PM »
I remember reading that book and being very impressed with it.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2391 on: April 06, 2015, 10:51:35 PM »
Durants'   S  o  C
The REFORMATION  V ol. V I
Pgs. 753 - 755






                                             Life of the People.
Communication and transport limped behind commerce and industry. Postal service was gradually extended to private correspondence during the sixteenth centry. The commercial revolution stimulated improvements in shipbuilding: deeper and thinner keels helped stability and speed; masts increased from one to three, sails five to six. Francis I and Henry VIII ran a race not only in war and love and dress but in shipping; each had a grandiose vessel built to order and whim, crowned with superstructure and flaunting the pennants of their pride. In the Mediterranean a ship of the early sixteenth century could make ten miles an hour in fair weather, but the heavier vessels designed for the Atlantic were lucky to make 125 miles a day. On land the fastest travel was by postal courier, who rode some eighty-five miles a day; yet important news usually took ten or eleven days to get from Venice to Paris or Madrid. Probably no one then appreciated the comfort of having news arrive late for action. Land travel was mostly on horseback; hence the heavy iron tethering ring fastened to the entrance door of a house. Coaches were multiplying, but the roads were too soft for wheeled traffic; coaches had to be equipped with six or more horses to drag them through the mud, and they could not expect to travel more than twenty miles a day. Litters carried by servants were still used by ladies of means, but simple people travelled on foot across the continent.

Travelling was popular, despite the roads and inns. Erasmus thought the inns of France were tolerable, chiefly because the young waitresses “ giggle and play wonton tricks,” and, “when you go away, embrace you.” and “all for so small a price.” But he denounced German innkeepers as ill-mannered, ill-tempered, dilatory, and dirty.

“When you have taken care of your horse you come into the Stove Room, boots, baggage, mud, and all, for that is a common room for all comers . . . In the Stove Room you pull off your boots, put on your shoes, and, if you will, change your shirt . . .  There one combs his head, another . . .  belches garlic, and . . .  there is great confusion of tongues as at the building of the tower of Babel. In my opinion nothing is more dangerous then for so many to draw in the same vapour, especially when their bodies are opened with the heat ... not to mention . . . the farting, the stinking breaths . . . and without doubt many have the Spanish, or, as it is called, the French, pox, though it is common to all nations.”

If matters were really so in some inns, we can forgive a sin or two to the traveling merchants who put up at and with them in the process of binding village with village, nation with nation, in an ever spreading economic web. In each decade some new trade route was opened -- overland as by Chancellor in Russia, overseas by a thousand adventurous voyages. Shakespeare’s Shylock trafficked with England, Lisbon, Tripoli, Egypt, India,, and Mexico. Genoa had trading colonies in the Black Sea, Armenia, Syria, Palestine, and Spain;  it made its peace with Porte, and sold arms to the Turks who were at war with Christendom. France saw the point, made her own ententes with the sultans, and, after 1560, dominated Mediterranian trade. Antwerp received goods everywhence, and shipped them everywhere.

To meet the needs of this expanding economy the bankers improved their services and techniques. As the cost of war rose with the change from feudal levies, bringing their own bows and arrows, pikes and swords, to masses of militia or mercenaries equipped with fire-  arms and artillery, payed for by the state. The governments borrowed unprecendented sums from the bankers, and the interest they paid or failed to pay made or broke financial firms. The savings of the people were lent at interest to bankers, who therewith financed expensive undertakings in commerce and industry. Notes of exchange replaced cumbersome transfers of currency or goods. Rates of interest varied not with the greed of the lender so much as with the reliability of the borrower; so the free cities of Germany, controlled by merchants prompt in payments, could borrow at 5%, but Francis I paid 10 %, and Charles V 20 %. Rates declined as economies were stabilized.
Gold and silver from the mines of Germany, Hungary, Spain, Mexico, and Peru provided an abundant and fluid currency. The new supplies of precious metal came just in time, for goods had been multiplying faster than coin. Imports from Asia were paid for only partly by exports, partly by gold or silver; hence, in the decades before Columbus, prices fell, to the discouragement of enterprise and trade. After the development of European mines, and the import of gold and silver from Africa and America, the supply of precious metal outran the production of goods; prices rose, business rejoiced; an economy based on mobile money dislodged the old economy rooted in the holding of land or the control of industry by the guilds, which were in decay.



JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2392 on: April 07, 2015, 03:32:41 PM »
Transportation of bulky goods by ship was still the best way, hence the importance of access to water. It's still true that landlocked countries are at a trading disadvantage.

In what will become the United States, all important cities will develop either as seaports or on the "fall line", the point where it's no longer easy to navigate up a major river.

Perhaps the West never developed a beast of burden as useful as the camel.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2393 on: April 07, 2015, 11:45:25 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol.  VI  The REFORMATION.
Pgs. 755 -  757




                                                    The Life of the People.
The Guilds were in decay. They had taken form in times of municipal autarky and protectionism; they were not organised either to raise capital or to buy wholesale from distant sources, or to use factory methods and the division of labour, or to reach distant markets with their products. From the thirteenth century onward they had developed an aristocratic exclusiveness, and had made conditions so hard for the journeyman as to drive him into the arms of the capitalist employer. The capitalist was motivated by the profit motive, but he knew how to gather savings into capital’ how and where to buy machinery and raw materials, run mines, build factories, recruit workers, divide and specialise  labour, open and reach foreign markets, finance elections, and control governments. The new supplies of  gold and silver cried out for profitable investment; American gold became European capital. In the resultant capitalism there was a zest for competition, a stimulus to enterprise, a feverish search for more economical ways of production and distribution, which inevitably left behind the self-contentment of guildsmen plodding in  ancient grooves. The new system surpassed the old in quantity, not in quality, of its product; and merchants were crying out for quantity production to pay with manufactured exports for their imports from the East.

The new wealth was largely confined to the merchants, financiers, manufacturers, and their allies in government. Some nobles still made fortunes through vast holdings of land with hundreds of tenants, or through enclosures that supplied wool to the textile  industry; but for the most part the landowning aristocracy found itself squeezed between kings and business-controlled cities; it declined in political power, and had to content itself with pedigrees. The proletariat shared with the nobility the penalties of inflation. From 1500 to 1600 the price of wheat, with which the poor baked their bread, rose 150 per cent in England, 200 per cent in France 300 per cent in Germany Eggs had been 4d. for ten dozen in England in 1300; in 1400 the same quantity cost 5d., in 1500 7d., in 1570 42d. Wages rose, but more slowly, since they were regulated by government. In England the law (1563) fixed the annual wage of a hired farmer at $12.00, of a farm hand at $ 9.50, of a “man servant” at $7.25; allowing the purchasing power of these sums to have been 25 times greater in 1563 than in 1954, they came close to $ 180.00 or so per year. We should note, however that in all these  cases bed and board were added to the wage. By and large the economic changes of the sixteenth century left the working classes relatively poorer, and politically weaker, than before. Workers produced the goods that were exported to pay for imported luxuries that brightened and softened the lives of a few.

The war of the classes took on a bitterness hardly known since the days of Spartacus in Rome; let the revolt of the Comuneros in Spain, the Peasant’s War in Germany, Ket’s Rebellion in England, serve as evidence. Strikes were numerous, but they were suppressed by a coalition of employers and government. In 1538 the English Cloth workers’ Guild, controlled by the masters, decreed that a journeyman who refused to work under the conditions laid down by the employer should be imprisoned for the first offence, whipped and branded for the second. The laws of vagrancy under Henry VIII and Edward VI were so savage that few  workers dared to be found unemployed. A law of 1547 enacted that an able-bodied person leaving his work and roaming the country as a vagrant should be branded on the breast with a letter V, and be given as a slave to for two years to some citizen of the neighbourhood, to be fed on “bread and water and small drink, and refuse of meat.”; and if the vagrancy be repeated the offender was to be branded on cheek or forehead with the letter S, and be condemned to slavery for life. It is to the credit of the English nation that these laws could not be enforced, and had soon to be repealed, but they display the temper of the sixteenth century governments. Duke George of Saxony decreed that the wages of miners under his jurisdiction should not be raised, that no mimer should leave one place to seek work in another, and that no employer should hire anyone who had fomented discontent in another mine. Child labour was sanctioned, explicitly or implicitly, by law. The lace making industry in Flanders was entirely worked by children, and the law forbade any girl over twelve years of age to engage in that occupation. Laws against monopolies, “corners,” or usury were evaded or ignored.

The Reformation fell in with the new economy. The Catholic Church was by temperament antipathetic to “business”; it had condemned interest, had given religious sanction to guilds, had sanctified poverty and castigated wealth, and had freed workers from toil on holydays so numerous that in 1550 there were in Catholic countries 115 nonworking days in the year; this may have played a part in the slower industrialisation and enrichment of Catholic lands. Theologians approved by the Church had defended the fixing of “just prices” by law for the necessaries of life. Thomas Aquinas had branded as “sinful covetousness” the pursuit of money beyond one’s needs, and had ruled that any surplus possessions were “ due by natural law to the purpose of succouring the poor.” Luther had shared these views. But the general development of Protestantism unconsciously co-operated with the capitalist revolution. Saint’s holydays were abolished, with a resultant increase in labour and capital. The new religion found support from businessmen, and returned the courtesy. Wealth was honoured, thrift was lauded, work was encouraged as a virtue, interest was accepted as a legitimate reward for risking one’s savings.


JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2394 on: April 08, 2015, 04:23:29 PM »
"Some nobles still made fortunes through vast holdings of land with hundreds of tenants, or through enclosures that supplied wool to the textile  industry; but for the most part the landowning aristocracy found itself squeezed between kings and business-controlled cities; it declined in political power, and had to content itself with pedigrees."

This is one of the biggest social changes that occurred in historic times: the shift of the main source of wealth from land to trade and manufacturing and it played out over many centuries, causing many internal and external wars and shifts in ideas and customs. It is omnipresent in British literature, written from the landed aristocracy's point of view, trying to hold their prestige against those "in trade." As late as the early twentieth century, we have the TV drama "Downton Abbey" where a landed aristocrat struggles to hold onto his estate and way of life in a world that has passed him by.

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2395 on: April 08, 2015, 04:31:43 PM »
Vagrancy was a huge problem in England. Much of it was caused by the "Enclosure Acts." The landed aristocrats, in order to share the new wealth from trade, were allowed to kick their tenants off the lands, and enclose them to breed sheep whose wool would feed the textile industry, the backbone of British trade. The farmers who had lost their land swarmed into the city, but manufacturing was not yet developed enough to absorb them. The jobless, homeless became vagrants.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2396 on: April 11, 2015, 11:40:03 PM »
DURANTS"   S  o  C
Vol.VI  THE REFPRMATION
Pgs. 757 - 760


                                                       LAW.

It was a cruel age, and its laws corresponded to a pitiless economy, a shameful pauperism, a sombre art, and a theology whose God had repudiated Christ.

Among populations mostly fated to poverty here and damnation hereafter, crime was natural. Murder was plentiful in all classes. Every man of calibre dangled a dagger, and only the weakling relied on the law to redress his wrongs. Crimes of passion were as frequent in life as in Shakespeare, and any Othello who failed to slay his suspected wife was rated less than a man. Travellers took highwaymen for granted, and proceeded in groups. In the cities, still unlit at night, robbers were as plentiful as prostitutes, and a man’s home had to be his castle. In the heyday of Francis I a gang of thieves called ‘mauvais garçons’despoiled Paris in  full sunlight. If we classify as crimes the adulteration of goods, the chicanery of business frauds, the bribery of courts, the seizure of ecclesiastical property, the extension of frontiers by conquest, every second man in Europe was a thief; we may give some the benefit of clergy, and allow for an honest craftsman here and there. Add a little arson, a little rape, a little treason, and we begin to understand the problems faced by the forces of law and order.

These were organised to punish, rather than to prevent, crime. In some large towns, like Paris, soldiers served as guardians of the peace; city blocks had their wardens, parishes their constables; but by and large cities were poorly policed. Statesmen weary of fighting the nature of man reckoned it cheaper to control crime by decreeing ferocious penalties, and letting the public witness executions. A score of offences were capital; murder, treason, heresy, sacrilege, witchcraft, robbery, counterfeiting, smuggling, arson, perjury, adultery, rape, ( unless healed by marriage), homosexual  actions, “ bestiality,” falsifying weights and measures, adulterating food, damaging property at night, escaping from prison, and failure in attempted suicide. Execution might be by relatively painless beheading, but this was usually a privilege of ladies and gentlemen; lesser fry were hanged; heretics and husband killers were burned; outstanding murderers were drawn and quartered; and a law of Henry VIII ( 1531) punished prisoners by boiling them alive, as we gentler souls do today with shellfish. A Salzburg municipal ordinance required that “a forger shall be burned or boiled to death, a perjurer shall have his tongue torn out by the neck; a servant who sleeps with his master’s wife, daughter, or sister, shall be beheaded or hanged.” Julienne Rabeau, who had killed her child after a very painful delivery, was burned at Angers ( 1531). Usually the corpse of the hanged was left suspended as a warning to the living, until the crows had eaten the flesh away. Imprisonment for debt was common throughout Europe. All in all, the penal code of the sixteenth century was more severe than in the Middle Ages, and reflected the moral disorder of the time.

The people did not resent these ferocious punishments. They took some pleasure in attending executions, and sometimes lent a helping hand. When Monteccucculi confessed, under torture, that he had poisoned, or had intended to poison, Francis, the beloved and popular son of Francis I, he was dismembered alive by having his limbs tied to horses which were then driven in four directions ( Lyons 1536); the populace, we are told, “ cut his remains into little morsels, hacked off his nose, tore out his eyes, broke his jaws, trained his head in the mud, and ‘made him die a thousand times before his death’,”
To the laws against crime were added “blue laws” against recreations supposedly infringing upon piety, or innovations too abruptly deviating from custom. Fish eating on Friday, required by common law in Catholic lands, was required by state law in the Protestant England of Edward VI to support the fishing industry and so train men to the sea for the navy.  Gambling was always illegal and always popular. Francis I, who knew how to amuse himself, ordered the arrest of people who played cards or dice in taverns or gaming houses ( 1526), but he allowed the establishment of a public lottery ( 1539). Drunkenness was seldom punished by law, but idleness was almost a capital crime. Sumptuary laws -- designed to check conspicuous expenditure by the newly rich, and to preserve class distinctions -- regulated dress, adornment, furniture, meals, and hospitality. “ When I was a boy,” said  Luther, “all games were forbidden, so that card-makers, pipers, and actors, were not admitted to the sacraments; and those who had played games, or been present at shows or plays, made it a matter of confession.” Most such prohibitions survived the Reformation, to reach their peak in the later sixteenth century.

It was some consolation that enforcement was rarely as severe as the law. Escape was easy; a kindly, bribed, or intimidated judge or jury let  many a rascal go lightly punished, or scot free. ( “Scot” originally meant an assessment or fine.). The laws of sanctuary were still recognised under Henry VIII. However laxity of enforcement was balanced by frequent use of torture to elicit confessions or testimony. Here the laws of Henry VIII, though they were the severest in the history of England, were ahead of their time; they forbade torture except where national security was held to be involved. Delay in trying an indicted person could also be torture; one complaint of the Spanish Cortes to Charles V was that men charged with even slight offences lingered in prison for as long as ten years before being tried, and that trials might drag on for twenty years.

Lawyers bred and multiplied as the priesthood declined. They filled the judiciary and the higher bureaucracy; they represented the middle classes in the in the national assemblies and the provincial parliaments; even the aristocracy and the clergy depended upon them for guidance in civil law. A new ‘noblesse de robe’ -- the ‘Furred Cats’ of Rebelais -- formed in France. Canon law disappeared in Protestant countries, and jurisprudence replaced theology as the ‘pièce de résistance’, in universities. Roman Law sprang back to life in Latin countries, and captured Germany in the sixteenth century. Local law survived alongside it in France, “common law” was preferred in England. But the Justinian Code had some influence in shaping and sustaining the absolutism of Henry VIII. Yet in Henry’s own court his chaplain, Thomas Starkey, composed (c. 1537) a ‘Dialogue’ whose main theme was that laws should dictate the will of the king, and that king should be subject to election and recall.
 
“That country cannot long be well governed, nor maintained with good policy, where all is ruled by the will of one not chosen by election but cometh to it by natural succession; for seldom seen it is that they which by succession come to kingdoms and realms are worthy of such high authority.... what is more repugnant to nature than a whle nation to be governed by the will of a prince? What is more contrary to reason than all the whole people to be ruled by him which commonly lacketh all reason? It is not man that can make a wise prince of him that lacketh wit by nature. But this is in man’s power to elect and choose him that is both wise and just, and make him a prince, and him that is a tyrant so to dispose.” Starkey died a strangely natural death a year after writing the above..... but 334 years before it reached print......

     

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2397 on: April 12, 2015, 11:37:21 PM »
It is several months now since anyone other than MABEL  &   JOANK have remarked on any of my posts. I wonder, is this because there is no else there but us three, all others having got tired of my selections?

If there are no others reading the selections but us, then perhaps we should think of other things that we need to do......   Just wondering out loud. . . .  Trevor. 

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2398 on: April 13, 2015, 05:24:36 PM »
I'll see if there's any more interest out there.

Attempted suicide was punishable by death? Strange thinking there!

those times seem so cruel to us. but attitudes toward death would almost have to be different at a time when few children survived to adulthood and life was short and brutal. People who are nostalgic for historic times never really deal with the realities of the times.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2399 on: April 20, 2015, 12:26:05 AM »
DURANMTS'   S  o  C
Vol.VI THE REFORMATION
Pgs.760 - 763




                                                                  MORALS

How did the people of Latin Christendom behave? We must not be misled by the religious professions; these were more often expressions of pugnacity than of piety. The same sturdy men who could believe so fiercely could fiercely blaspheme, and the girls who on Sunday bowed demurely before statues of the Virgin, roughed their cheeks hopefully during the week, and many of them got themselves seduced, if only as a proposal of marriage. Virginity had to be protected by every device of custom, morals, law, religion, paternal authority, pedagogy, and “point of honour”: yet it managed to get lost. Soldiers returning from campaigns in which sex and liquor had been their chief consolations found it painful to adjust themselves to continence and sobriety. Students majored in venery, and protested that fornication was but a venial sin which enlightened legislators would overlook. Female dancers not infrequently performed on stage and elsewhere “absolutely naked”; this apparently, is one of the oldest novelties in the world. Artists looked down their noses at the rules and regulations of sexual behaviour, and lords and ladies agreed with the artists. The bookstores were stacked with licentious literature, for which high prices were greedily paid. Aretino was as popular in Paris as in Rome. Rebelais, a priest, did not feel that he would reduce the sales of his Gargantuan epic by spattering it with such speech as would have made Aretino run to cover. All the perversions found place in this period, as in the aristocratic pages  of Brantôme.

Prostitution prospered in income and prestige; it was in this age that its practitioners came to be called ‘cortigiane’ -- courtesans -- which was the feminine of ‘cortigiani’ -- courtiers. Some generals provided prostitutes for their armies as a safe guard for the other women of occupied towns. But as venereal disease grew almost to the proportions of a plague, government after government legislated against the unhappy ‘filles de joie’. Luther, while affirming the naturalness of sexual desire, laboured to reduce prostitution, and under his urging many cities in Lutheran Germany made it illegal. In 1560 Michel de l’Hôpital, Chancellor of France, renewed the laws of Louis IX against the evil, and apparently his decree was enforced.

Meanwhile the absurd lust of flesh for flesh begot the hunger of the soul, and all the delicate embroidery of courtship and romantic love. Stolen glances, billets-doux, odes and sonnets, lays and madrigals, hopeful gifts and secret trysts, poured out of the coursing blood. A few refined spirits, or playful women, welcomed from Italy and Castiglione the pastime of Platonic love, by which a lady and her courtier might be passionate friends but sedulously chaste. Such restraint, however, was not in the mood of the age; men were frankly sensual, and women liked them so. Love poetry abounded, but it was as a prelude to possession, not to marriage.

Parents were still too matter-of-fact to let love choose mates for life; marriage, in their dispensation, was a wedding of estates. Erasmus, sensitive to the charms of woman, but not of matrimony, advised youngsters to marry as the oldsters wished and trust to love to grow with association rather than wither with satiation; Rebelais agreed with him. Notwithstanding these authorities, a rising number of young people, like Jeanne D’Albret, rebelled against marriages of realty. Roger Ascham, tutor to Elizabeth, mourned that “our time is so far from the old discipline and obedience as now not only young gentlemen but even girls dare... marry themselves in spite of father, mother, God, good order, and all”. Luther was alarmed to learn that Melanchthon’s son had betrothed himself without consulting his father,: this, the reformer thought, was bound to give Wittenberg a bad name.

In the University he wrote, (Jan.22,1544)
 We  have a great horde of young men from all countries, and the race of girls is getting bold, and run after the fellows into their rooms and chambers and wherever they can, and offer them their free love; and I hear that many parents have ordered their sons home . . . saying that hang wives around their necks . . . the next Sunday I preached a strong sermon, telling men to follow the common road and manner which has been since the beginning of the world. . . namely, that parents should give their children to each other with prudence and good will, without their own preliminary engagement. . . . . such engagements are an invention of the abominable pope, suggested to him by the Devil to destroy and tear down the power of parents, given and commended to them earnestly by God.

Marriage contracts could be arranged for boys and girls as young as three years, but these marriages could be annulled later, if not consummated. The legal age for full marriage was generally fourteen for boys, twelve for girls. Sexual relations after betrothal and before the wedding were condoned. Even before betrothal, in Sweden and Wales, as later in some American colonies, “bundling” was allowed; some lovers would lie together in bed, but were admonished to keep a sheet between them. In Protestant lands marriage ceased to be a sacrament, and by 1580 civil marriage was competing with marriage by clergymen. Luther, Henry VIII, Erasmus, and pope Clement VII thought bigamy permissible under certain  conditions especially as a substitute for divorce. Protestant divines moved slowly toward allowing divorce, but at first only for adultery. This offence was apparently most prevalent in France, despite the custom of killing adulterous wives. Illicit love affairs were part of normal life of French women of good social standing. A triangular Ménage like that of Henry II,  Catherine de Medicis, and Diane de Poitiers was quite frequent -- the legal wife ‘de conv- enance’ accepting the situation with wry grace, as sometimes in France today. 

Except in the aristocracies, women were goddesses before marriage and servants afterward. Wives took motherhood in their stride, gloried in their numerous children, and managed to manage their managers. They were robust creatures, accustomed to hard work from sunrise to sunset. They made most of the clothing for their families, and sometimes took in work from capitalist entrepreneurs. The loom was an essential part of the home; in England all unmarried women were “ spinsters”. The women of the French court were a different species, encouraged by Francis I to prettify themselves in flesh and dress, and sometimes turning national policy by the guided missiles of their charms. A feminist movement was imported into France from Italy, but rapidly faded as women perceived that their power and prominence were independent of politics and laws. Many French women of the upper classes were well educated; already, in Paris and elsewhere, the French salon was taking form as rich and cultivated ladies made their homes a rendezvous of statesmen, poets, artists, scholars, prelates, and philosophers. Another group of French women -- let Anne of France, Anne of Brittany, Claude, and Renée serve as instances -- stood quietly virtuous amid the erotic storm. In general the Reformation, being Teutonic, made for the patriarchal view of          woman, and the family It ended her Renaissance enthronement as an exemplar of beauty and a civiliser of man. It condemned the Church’s lenience with sexual diversions, and after Luther’s death, it prepared the way for the Puritanic chill.