Author Topic: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant  (Read 371912 times)

Emily

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2000 on: June 16, 2013, 07:18:23 PM »

"I want to know what were the steps by which
man passed from barbarism to civilization (Voltaire)"

   



What are our origins?
Where are we now?
Where are we headed?
Share your thoughts with us!
   Volume Five (The Renaissance)
       
"Four elements constitute Civilization -- economic provision, political organization, moral traditions, and the pursuit of knowledge and the arts. "
 
"I shall proceed as rapidly as time and circumstances will permit, hoping that a few of my contemporaries will care to grow old with me while learning. "
       
"These volumes may help some of our children to understand and enjoy the infinite riches of their inheritance."
       
"Civilization begins where chaos and insecurity ends."






This volume, then, is about YOU. Join our group daily and listen to what Durant and the rest of us are saying. Better yet, share with us your opinions.
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SeniorLearn Contact: JoanK & Discussion Facilitator: Trevor
 


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From Frybabe's link...............

Quote
From At Antwerp(April 11-May 17, 1521), about Martin Luther, page 43:)

And if we lose this man [Martin Luther], who has written more clearly than
anyone in a hundred and forty years, and to whom Thou hast
given such an evangelic spirit, we pray Thee, O Heavenly
Father, that Thou give again Thy spirit to another

He seems to appreciate Martin Luther.

Durant says that Durer was not superstitious, which would be a first step toward rejecting occultism.

Durer is a first rate artist. His botanical paintings are as near perfect as any I have seen. He seems to have been proficient at every thing he attempted.

I have not heard the word 'Teuton' used in reference to Germans in years. The dictionary says it is ancient Germanic people. Like Gaul, Celt, Viking, etc. its use has given way to different European states with their own language as an identifier.

Emily



Frybabe

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2001 on: June 16, 2013, 08:06:07 PM »
I remember when I read Undine, the translator mentioned that Durer and his allegorical painting, Knight, Death and the Devil, inspired the allegorical nature of the novel as well as allegorical writings of others.
http://www.adolphmenzel.org/painting-Albrecht%20Durer-Kinght,Death%20and%20Devil-42342.htm

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2002 on: June 20, 2013, 11:34:38 PM »
In 1513-14 Dürer reached his summit as a draftsman in three Master Engravings. The Knight, Death, and the Devil, is a powerful version of a sombre medieval theme: a stern-faced rider in full armour on a Verroc-chian steed, hemmed in by ugly figures of death and Satan, but moving forward resolutely to the triumph of virtue over all; it seems uncreditable that such plenitude and delicacy  of detail could be cut into  metal. St. Jerome, in His Study shows a quieter phase of the Christian victory: the old saint bent over his manuscript, wrighting apparently by the light of his halo, a lion and a dog lying peacefully on the floor, a scull sitting in silent eloquence on a window sill, and what looks for all the world like his wife’s hat hanging on the wall-- the whole room drawn in the most careful perspective, with all shadows and sun rays meticulously drawn. Finally the engraving that Dürer entitled Melancholia I reveals an angel seated amid the chaos of an unfinished building, with a medley of mechanical tools and scientific instruments at her feet; a purse and keys attached to her girdle as emblems of wealth and power; her head resting pensively on one hand, her eyes gazing half in wonder, half in terror, about her. Is she asking to what end all this labour, this building and demolition and building, this pursuit of wealth and power and the mirage called truth, this glory of science and Babel of intellect vainly fighting inevitable death? Can it be that Dürer, at the very outset of the modern age, understood the problem faced by triumphant science, of progressive means abused by unchanging ends?

So drawing by drawing, painting by painting, with an arduous industry and patience so different from Leonardo’s procrastination and Raphael’s ease, Dürer passed into the age of Luther. About 1508 he bought the house that made Nuremberg famous; the second World War destroyed it; the tourist trade rebuilt it as a copy of the original. Here for sixteen years Dürer lived in moderate misery with his childless wife. Agnes was a simple hausfrau who wondered why Albrecht spent so much time on unremunerative studies or with bibulous friends. He moved in circles beyond her mental reach, neglected her socially, travelled most often without her, and when he took her to the Netherlands, dined with celebrities or with his host, while leaving his wife to eat “ in the upper kitchen” with their maid. In 1504 his widowed mother joined Dürer’s household, she persisted ten years more; his portrait of her moves our sympathy for the wife-- who was not too charming herself. His friends considered Agnes a shrew incapable of sharing Dürer’s intellectual life.

In his later years the Nuremberg master enjoyed a European fame as the leader and glory of German art. In 1515 the emperor allotted a modest pension of a hundred florins a year. This was irregularly paid, for Maximilian’s income  never caught up with his plans. On Max’s death the pension stopped, and Dürer decided to visit Netherlands and solicit its renewal from Charles V. He met Erasmus, Lucas van Leyden, Bernaert van Orley, and other Netherland worthies. In the mosquito swamps of Zeeland he contracted the malaria that ruined the health of his remaining years. At Antwerp ( May 1521) a rumour reached him that Luther had been “treacherously seized” on leaving the Diet of Worms. Dürer did not know that this abduction had been arranged to protect Luther; and fearing that the reformer had been killed, he wrote in his journal a passionate defence of the rebel, and appealed to Erasmus to come to the aid of the party.

“O Erasmus of Rotterdam, where wilt thou remain? Wilt thou see the injustice and blind tyranny of the powers now ruling? Hear me, knight of Christ, ride by the side of our Lord XS; old as thou art .... thou too mayst win the martyr’s crown .... make thy voice heard!... O Erasmus, may God thy Judge be glorified in thee!”


In 1526 he completed his greatest group of paintings -- THE FOUR APOSTLES -- improperly named since Mark the Evangelist was not one of the twelve; but perhaps that very error pointed to the Protestant idea of returning from the Church to the Gospels.  The two panels are among the proudest possessions of that Haus der Kunst in which war wounded Munich has regathered her famous collection of art. One panel pictures John and Peter, the other Mark and Paul -- all four in gloriously coloured robes hardy befitting fishermen communist saints; in these vestments Dürer bowed to Italian idealization, while in the broad and massive heads he asserted his German environment.

In 1525 the municipal council of Nuremberg declared for the Reformation. Dürer presented the panels to the city, and affixed to each panel inscriptions strongly stressing the importance of the Gospels. Despite the keys in Peter’s hand -- usually taken as representing the divine establishment and powers of the Church -- these paintings could be interpreted as Dürer’s Protestant testament.

He missed supreme stature as an artist by sacrificing the greatest task of art in a lesser one: he was so charmed to see the passing shapes of persons, places, and things take lasting life under his hands that he absorbed himself chiefly in representing the real --  lovely or ugly, significant or meaningless -- and only occ- asionaly fused the scattered elements of sense perception to form in creative imagination, and then in line  or colour, ideal beauties to give us goals to aim at, or revealing visions to offer understanding or peace. But he rose to the call of his time. His pen or pencil, burin or brush evoked the hidden souls of the forceful men who trod the stage of the age; he made the epoch live for us, across four centuries, in all its enthusiasms, devotions, fears, superstitions, protests, dreams, and wonderment. He was Germany.




JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2003 on: June 21, 2013, 07:57:52 PM »
Durant's usual way with words: "Here for sixteen years Dürer lived in moderate misery with his childless wife." Sigh

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2004 on: June 21, 2013, 08:01:22 PM »
Here is the Knight, Death and the Devil. The picture can be enlarged by clicking on it.

http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/pd/a/d%C3%BCrer_knight,_death_and_devil.aspx


Emily

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2006 on: June 21, 2013, 10:27:34 PM »
Quote
He missed supreme stature as an artist by sacrificing the greatest task of art in a lesser one: he was so charmed to see the passing shapes of persons, places, and things take lasting life under his hands that he absorbed himself chiefly in representing the real --  lovely or ugly, significant or meaningless --

So Durer represented life as it was, and without a true representation, we would have no record to see life as it was lived over 500 years ago.

The world can be ugly, and rather than being meaningless it is truth without propaganda and air brushing. Speaking of air brushing and touch ups which is what we get now in photography for advertisements and making ordinary people look glamorous, the following is a true story.

After the death of the Duchess of Windsor, a photographer published a photograph he had made of the Duke and Duchess some time earlier. He had two photographs on facing pages. On the first page was his original as they actually looked. They looked their age (past sixty) they had wrinkles, sagging jowls, puffy eyes, and wrinkled and gnarley hands.

On the opposing page they looked like they did when they married. This was the photograph they allowed to be released for some event. There was not a wrinkle in sight, no sagging jowls, and hands like a young adult. (of course we know that neither of these two had ever worked a day in their life), but a persons hands tell the story of ageing.

A young medical student said that his first day of dissection he was worried about the face, but it was a persons hands that affected him most as that alone told more about them than their faces, and somehow made them not just a cavader, but a real human being who had lived and worked.

If we cover up the world as it is and are only provided with a fake, air brushed scene, or the people who lived within the scene, we are presenting propaganda and denying any form of truth or reality.

I live in the real world, but media today is smoke and mirrors, fakery and propaganda.

Emily

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2007 on: June 28, 2013, 01:01:06 AM »
DURANTS' S  o  C
Vol.VI  THE REFORMATION
Pgs  320  -  323



                                        THE GERMAN HUMANISTS

It was a lusty Germany in letters as well as in life and art. Literacy was spreading. Books were pouring forth from sixteen publishers in Basel, twenty in Augsburg, twenty-one in Cologne, twenty-four Nuremberg; there Anton Koberger alone employed twenty-four presses and a hundred men. The trade in books was a major line in the busy  commerce of the fairs at Frankfurt, Salzburg, Norlingen, and Ulm. “Everybody nowadays wants to read and write,” said a contemporary German; and another reported: “There is no end to the new books that are written.” Schools multiplied in the towns; every city provided bursaries or scholarships for poor but able students; nine new universities were founded in this half-century; and those at Vienna, Heidelberg, and Erfurt opened their doors to the New Learning. Rich burghers like Peutinger and Pirkheimer, and the Emperor Maximilian himself, opened their libraries, art collections, and purses to eager scholars. The Church in Germany, following the lead of the popes, welcomed the Renaissance, but emphasized linguistic studies of Biblical and patristic texts. The Latin Vulgate Bible was printed in twenty-six editions in Germany between 1453 and 1500. There were twenty German translations of the Bible before Luther’s; the spread of the New Testament among the people prepared them for Luther’s challenging contrast between the Gospels and the Church; and the reading of the Old Testament shared in the Protestant re-Judaizing of Christianity.

The humanist movement in Germany was at first -- and after its flirtation with Luther -- more orthodox in theology than its Italian counterpart. Germany had no classical past like Italy‘s; she had not had the privilege of being conquered and educated by Imperial Rome; she had no direct bond with non-Christian antiquity. Her memory hardly went beyond her Christian centuries;  Her scholarship in this age, hardly ventured beyond the Christian Fathers; her Renaissance was a revival of early Christianity rather than of classical letters and philosophy. In Germany the Renaissance was engulfed in the Reformation.

Nevertheless German humanism took its lead from Italy. Humanists, visiting Germany, brought the seed; German students, pilgrims, ecclesiastics, merchants, and diplomats, visiting Italy, came back bearing on them, even unwittingly, the pollen of the Renaissance. Rodolphus Agricola, son of a Dutch parish priest, received plentiful schooling at Erfurt, Cologne, and Louvain; gave seven years to further studies of Latin and Greek in Italy; and returned to teach at Groningen, Heidelberg, and Worms. The age marvelled at his unpopular virtues -- modesty, simplicity, honesty, piety, chastity. He wrote in Latin almost worthy of Cicero, he predicted that Germany would soon appear no less Latin than Latinum; and indeed Agricola’s Holland produced in Erasmus a Latinist who would have been quite at home in the Rome of Tacitus and Quintilian. It was on a trip to Rome that Agricola contracted the fever from which he died at Heidelberg at the age of forty-two ( 1465)

He was rivalled in influence -- hardly in amiability -- by Jacob Wimpheling whose temper was as harsh as his Latin was smooth. Resolved to lift Germany to Italy’s level in education and letters, this ”Schoolmaster of Germany” drew up plans for a system of public schools, established learned societies, and foresaw how dangerous intellectual advance would be without moral development. “What profits all our learning,” he asked, “if our characters be not correspondingly noble, all our industry without piety, or all our knowledge without love of our neighbour, or all our wisdom without humility?”

The last of these orthodox humanists was Johannes Trithemius, Abbot of Sponheim, who nevertheless wrote in 1496; “The days of building monasteries are past; the days of their destruction are coming.” A less devout humanist, Celtes, described Trithemius as “ Abstemious in drink, disdaining animal food, living on vegetables, eggs, and milk, as did our ancestors when ... no doctors had begun to brew their gout-and-fever-breeding concoctions.” In his brief life he became a very summa of learning . The common people of the time  could only explain his attainments on the theory that he possessed secret supernatural powers. However he died at fifty-four ( 1516 ).

Conradus Celtes was the most zealous and effective of the German humanists. Wherever he went he gathered students about him, and inspired them with his passion for poetry, classical literature, and German Antiquities. In 1447 the Emperor Frederick III crowned him poet laureate of Germany. At Mainz, Celtes founded 1491 the influential Rhenish Literary Society, which included scientists, theologians, philosophers, physicians, historians, poets, lawyers, and scholars. In the course of his studies Celtes apparently lost his religious faith, for he raised such questions as “ Will the soul live after death?” and “Is there, really, a God?” In his travels he took many samples of femininity, but none to the altar.

This sceptical amoralism grew in fashion among German humanists in the final decades before Luther. Eoban Hesse wrote in good Latin imitating Ovid even more in scandal than in form; he included love letters from Magdalen to Jesus, and from Virgin Mary to God the Father. To suit deed to word, he lived as loosely as Cellini, outdrank all rivals, and thought nothing of emptying a bucket of ale at one draught. Conradus Mutianus Rufus, however, achieved an amiable reconciliation of scepticism with religion. He taught his students to “esteem the decrees of philosophers above those of priests;” but, he warned them, they must conceal their doubts of Christian dogma from the multitude by a gentlemanly adherence to ecclesiastical ceremonies and forms. "By faith,” he said, “we mean not the conformity of what we say with fact,  but an opinion about divine things founded upon credulity and profit seeking persuasion. He objected to Masses for the dead as useless. To fasts as unpleasant, and to auricular confession as embarrassing.  The Bible, he thought, contains many fables; probably Christ had not died on the cross; the Greeks and the Romans, so far as they lived honourably, were Christians without knowing it, and doubtless went to paradise. Creeds and ceremonies are to be judged not on their literal claims but by their moral effects; if they promote social order and private virtue they should be accepted without public questioning. He demanded a clean life from his disciples. Having lived with all the consolations of philosophy, he died with all the blessings of the Church.



JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2008 on: June 28, 2013, 03:44:21 PM »
I've never heard of any of these men. How fickle is fame.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2009 on: July 06, 2013, 12:25:55 AM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  The REFORMATION
Pgs 323 - 325


                                                       
                                        The German Humanists  (cont)

The natural resentment aroused among the orthodox by the scepticism of the later humanists fell in accumulation upon the mildest and kindliest scholar of the time. Johannes Reuchlin observed the medieval tradition of gathering education from a dozen centres through the ubiquity of Latin as the language of instruction in Western Europe. Gradually his admiration for Hebrew eclipsed his devotion to the classics. The Hebrew language,” he wrote, “is unadulterated, concise, and brief. It is the language in which God spoke to man, and in which man conversed with the angels face to face.” Through all his studies he retained the orthodox faith.

A strange medley of circumstances made  him the hero of the German Renaissance. In 1508 Johannes Pfefferkorn, a rabbi turned priest, issued a book, “Judenspiegel” (Mirror of the Jews) condemning  persecution of the Jews, and clearing them from legendary crimes popularly laid to their charge, but urging them to give up moneylending and the Talmud, and accept Christianity. Supported by the Dominicans of Cologne, he submitted to the Emperor, a recommendation that all Hebrew books except the Old Testament should be suppressed. Maximilian ordered that all Jewish literature critical of Christianity should be surrendered to Pfefferkorn, and that it should be examined by the Universities. All but Reuchlin advised that the books should be burned. Reuchlin's minority opinion proved a landmark in the history of religious toleration. He divided Jewish books into seven classes, one group, consisting of works expressly mocking Christianity, should be burned. All the rest, including the Talmud, should be preserved, if only because they contained much of value to Christian scholarship. Moreover he argued, the Jews had a right to freedom of conscience, both as citizens of the Empire and having undertaking no  obligations to Christianity. In private correspondence Reuchlin spoke of Pfefferkorn as an “ass” who had no  real understanding of the books he proposed to destroy.

Pfefferkorn responded to these courtesies in a Handspiegel that attacked Reuchlin as a bribed tool of the Jews. Reuchlin responded in the same  vituperative vein in an Augenspiegel that aroused a storm among the orthodox.  The theological faculty at Cologne complained to Reuchlin that his book was making the Jews too happy, and they urged him to withdraw it from circulation. Reuchlin appealed to Leo X; the Pope  turned the matter over to various councillors, who reported the book was harmless. Leo suspended action, but assured the humanists around him that no harm should come to Reuchlin. Meanwhile Pfefferkorn and his Dominican supporters accused Reuchlin, before the tribunal of the Inquisition at Cologne, as an unbeliever and a traitor to Christianity. The matter was remitted to Rome, which passed it on to the Episcopal court at Speyer, which acquitted Reuchlin. The Dominicans in their turn appealed to Rome; and the university faculties at Cologne, Erfurt, Mainz, Louvain, and Paris ordered that Reuchlin’s books be burned.

It is remarkable -- and eloquent of Germany’s cultural vitality in this age -- how many nobles now came to Reuchlin’s  defence; Erasmus, Pirkheimer, Peutinger, and many others, even some of the higher clergy who, as in Italy, favoured the humanists. Letters from his defenders were collected and published (1514) as “Clarorum virorum epistolae ad Johannem Reuchlin.” In 1515 the humanists sent forth a more devastating book, “Epistolae obscurorum virorum ad venerabilem virum magistrum Ortuinum Gratium.” This is one of the major satires in literary history. The authors pretended to be pious monks, admirers of Gratius, and enemies of Reuchlin, and concealed themselves under grotesque pseudonyms. In Latin made deliberately bad to imitate  the monastic style, the writers complained of  the ridicule heaped upon them by the “poets” ( as the German humanists were called); they inquired eagerly about the prosecution of Reuchlin; meanwhile they exposed absurd ignorance, the grossness of their morals and their minds; they argued ridiculous questions  in solemn Scholastic form , quoted Scripture in extenuation of obscenities , and unwittingly made fun of  auricular confession, the sale of indulgences , the worship of relics, the authority of the pope-- the very themes of the reformation. All literate Germany puzzled over  the authorship  of the volumes; only later was it admitted  that Crotus Rubianus of Erfurt , a disciple of Mutianus, had written most of the first edition, and Hutten most of the continuation. Roused to anger, Leo X  forbade the reading or possession of the book, condemned Reuchlin, but let him off  with the costs of the Speyer trial (1520) Reuchlin, sixty-five and exhausted,  retired into obscurity, peacefully lost in the glare of the reform.

The German humanist movement too disappeared in that conflagration. On one side it was fought by most of the universities; on the other, the Reformers, engaged in a struggle for life, strengthened their cause with a religious faith that centred on  personal salvation  in the other world, and left little time for studies of classical  civilization, or of human amelioration here below. The German humanists themselves  invited defeat by failing to advance  from Greek literature  to Greek philosophy, by wandering into coarse polemics or a mysticism far less mature than Eckhart’s. They left no major works. And yet who knows if Luther would have dared sling his David’s shots at Tetzel and the popes if the mind of Germany had not been in some measure freed from ultramontane terrors by the humanists?

The followers of Reuchlin were a vigorous minority at Erfurt, where Luther studied  for four years. And the greatest German poet of the age, nurtured in humanism, became the ardent herald of the Reformation.

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2010 on: July 06, 2013, 05:05:51 PM »
"The Hebrew language,” he wrote, “is unadulterated, concise, and brief.""

I join Reuchlin in his admiration of the Hebrew language. I struggled to learn it the three years I lived in Israel and later, after I returned set myself the task of reading the Torah in Hebrew (I got about two thirds through).

I had always thought that the music in the King James version of the Bible came from the English of the time (Shakespeare's time, and indeed it sometimes sounds like Shakespeare). But it doesn't -- it's in the Hebrew.

bluebird24

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2011 on: July 07, 2013, 12:16:03 PM »

mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2012 on: July 07, 2013, 01:01:00 PM »
Joan, i too enjoyed Durant's descriptions of Durer's wife and mother :)

And i also never heard of the German humanists, but then we didn't touch much on German history in public school or college. Was that because of WWII and our anger at the Nazis, spreading that feeling to all Germans - evil, inhumane?

What volume # is this and when was it published? He mentions Durer's house being rebuilt after WWII. I was thinking that most of the books were written in the 30's, guess i was wrong.

Hi Bluebird. Welcome! Are you new to our discussion, or did i just miss/forget you being here before. A senior moment if i did, sorry.

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2013 on: July 07, 2013, 02:40:28 PM »
HI, BLUEBIRD. Good to see you again.

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2014 on: July 12, 2013, 12:45:40 AM »
Duirants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI The REFORMATION
Pgs 328  -  333.



                                 THE GERMAN CHURCH
What actually was the condition of the German Church in the youth of Luther? One indication appeared in the readiness of high ecclesiastics to accept the criticism and critics of the Church. There were some scattered atheists whose names are lost in the censorship of time; and Erasmus  mentions “men among us who think, like Epicurus, that the soul dies with the body. Wessel Gransfort, wrongly known as Johann Wessel questioned confession, absolution , indulgences, and purgatory, made the bible the sole rule of faith, and made faith the sole source of salvation; here was Luther in a sentence. “If I had read his works before ,” said Luther in 1522, “my enemies might have thought that Luther had borrowed everything from Wessel, so great is the agreement between our spirits.”

Never-the-less, by and large, religion was flourishing in Germany, and the overwhelming majority of the people were orthodox-- and between their sins and cups -- pious. There must have been faithful ministers of the faith to produce or sustain such widespread piety among the people. The parish priest, as like as not, had a concubine or common-law-wife; but the lion-loined Germans seem to have condoned  this as an improvement upon promiscuity; and had not the popes themselves in this lusty period, rebelled against celibacy? The Benedictines had settled into a half-worldly ease, and the Teutonic Knights continued their loose morals, marital cruelties, and territorial greed; but the Dominican, Franciscan, and Augustinian friars returned to the observance of their rules, and performed many works of practical benevolence. They kept with apparent fidelity their monastic vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, and were learned enough to fill many chairs in German universities. It was this order that Luther chose when he decided to become a monk.

The complaints against the German clergy were chiefly against the prelates, and on the score of their wealth and worldliness. A learned Catholic prelate and historian, Johannes Janssen has summed up perhaps too severely the abuses of the German       Church on the eve of the Reformation:  “ the contrast of pious love and worldly greed, of godly renunciation and godless self-seeking, made itself apparent in the ranks of the clergy as well as in other classes of society. Avarice, the besetting sin of the age, showed itself among the clergy of all orders and degrees, in their anxiety to increase to the utmost extent all clerical rents  and incomes, taxes, and perquisites. The German church was the richest in Christendom. For the sake of amassing money, new indulgences have daily been published , and war tithes imposed, without consulting the German prelates. The Germans  have been treated as if they were rich and stupid barbarians, and drained of their money by a thousand cunning devices. But now Germany’s nobles have awakened as from sleep; now they have resolved to shake of the yoke, and win back their ancient freedom.”

When Cardinal Piccolomini became Pius II  (1458) he defied this challenge. From Diether von Isenburg he demanded 20,500 guilders before confirming him as the next archbishop of Mainz (1459). Diether refused to pay, charging the sum exceeded every precedent. Pius excommunicated him; Diether ignored the ban, and several German princes supported him.  Diether engaged a Nuremberg jurist, Gregor Heimburg, to arouse public sentiment for giving councils supremacy over the popes. Papal agents  detached from the movement one after another of Diether’s allies, and Pius appointed Adolf of Nassau to replace him. The armies of the two archbishops fought a bloody war; Diether was defeated; he addressed to the German leaders a warning that unless they stood together they would be repeatedly oppressed; and this manifesto was one of the first documents printed by Gutenberg.

The Emperor Maximillian grumbled that the pope drew a hundred times more money from Germany than he himself could collect. In 1510, being at war with pope Julius II he directed the humanist Wimphling to draw up a list of Germany’s  grievances against the papacy. A basic diversity of material interests finally opposed the German  Reformation -- demanding an end to the flow of German money into Italy-- to an Italian Renaissance that financed poetry and art with transalpine gold.

Among the people anticlericalism went hand in hand with piety. “ a revolutionary spirit of hatred for the Church and clergy,” writes the honest Pastor, “had taken hold of the masses in various parts of Germany, the cry of Death to the priests, “ which had long been whispered in secret was now the watchword of the day.”

A thousand factors and influences -- ecclesiastical, intellectual, emotional, economic, political, moral -- were coming together, after centuries of obstruction and suppression, in a whirlwind that would throw Europe into the greatest upheaval since the barbarian conquest of Rome. The weakening of the papacy by the Avignon exile and the papal schism; the breakdown of monastic discipline and clerical celibacy; the luxury of the prelates, the corruption of the Curia, the worldly activities of the popes; the morals of Alexander VI, the wars of Julius II, the careless gaiety of Leo X; the  relic-mongering and peddling of indulgences ; the triumph of Islam over Christianity in the Crusades and the Turkish wars; the spreading acquaintance with non-Christian faiths; the influx of Arabic science and philosophy; the collapse of Scholasticism in the irrationalism of Scotus and the skepticism of Ockham; the failure of the conciliar movement to effect reform; the discovery of pagan antiquity and of America; the invention of printing; the extension of literacy and education; the translation and reading of the Bible; the newly realized contrast between the poverty and simplicity of the Apostles and the ceremonious opulence of the Church;  the rising wealth and economic independence of Germany and England;  the growth of a middle class resentful of ecclesiastical restrictions and claims; the protests against the flow of money to Rome; the secularization of law and government; the intensification of nationalism and the strengthening of monarchies; the nationalistic influence of vernacular languages and literatures; the fermenting legacies of the Waldenses, Wyclif and Huss; the mystic demand for a less ritualistic, more personal and inward  and direct religion; all these  were now  uniting in a torrent of forces that would crack the crust of medieval custom, loosen all standards and bonds, shatter Europe into nations and sects, sweep away more and more of the supports and comforts of traditional beliefs, and perhaps mark the beginning of the end for dominance of Christianity in the mental life of European man.




bluebird24

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2015 on: July 12, 2013, 04:15:14 PM »
Hi Mabel! No I'm not new:)
Hi JoanK good to see you too!

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2016 on: July 12, 2013, 05:08:29 PM »
"an Italian Renaissance that financed poetry and art with transalpine gold."

That's interesting. I never questioned where all the money in the Renaissaince came from.

Do those priests sound like some modern televangelists?

Emily

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2017 on: July 13, 2013, 08:49:28 PM »
While at the library I picked up our current book, The Reformation which was published in 1957. We owe Trevor a large debt for giving us excerpts from this heavy book. I did not realize how heavy until I toted it home.

This is the sixth book in Durant's SOC, which means we are half finished with the series of eleven books. The SOC was published from 1935 to 1975 over forty years of labor, a tribute to Will Durant.

My introduction to Durant was in high school with his 'Story of Philosophy', which was published in 1926.

I looked to see how many pages there are in 'The Reformation' and there are 940 pages. At the end Durant writes........
Courage, reader: We near the end.

Of course pages of Bibliographical guides, notes, and index follow.


3kings(Trevor)

  • Posts: 347
Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2018 on: July 18, 2013, 06:11:40 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  The REFORMATION
pgs  337 - 341



                                       The Reformation in Germany
                                                       1517 - 1524. 
On March 15, 1517, Pope Leo X promulgated the most famous of all indulgences. It was a pity, yet just, that the Reformation should strike during a pontificate that gathered in Rome so many of the fruits, and so much of the spirit, of the Renaissance. Leo, son of Lorenzo the Magnificent, was now head of the Medici family, which had nourished the Renaissance in Florence; he was a scholar, a poet, and a gentleman, kindly and generous. His morals were good in an immoral milieu; his nature inclined to a gaiety pleasant and legitimate, which set an example of happiness for a city that a century before  had been destitute and desolate. All his faults were superficial except his superficiality.

The son of a banker, Leo was accustomed to spending money readily, and chiefly on others. He inherited full papal coffers from Julius II, and emptied them all before he died. Possibly, with some reluctance he offered the indulgence of 1517 to all who would contribute to the cost of completing the new St. Peter’s. Where kings were powerful, Leo was considerate. He agreed that Henry VIII should keep a fourth of the proceeds in England; he advanced a loan of 175,000 ducats to King Charles I against expected collections in Spain; and Francis I was to retain part of the sum raised in France. Germany received less favoured treatment, having no strong monarchy to bargain with the pope. However, the Emperor Maximilian was allotted a modest 3,000 florins from the receipts, and the Fuggers were to take from the collection 20,000 they had loaned to Albrecht of Brandenburg, while  Leo agreed that Albrecht should manage the distribution of the indulgence (and receive the collected funds) in Magdeburg and Halberstadt as well as in Mainz.

Albrecht’s principle agent in these events was Johann Tetzel, a Dominican friar who had acquired skill and reputation as a money-raiser. Since 1500 his main occupation had been in disposing of indulgences. Usually, on these missions he received the aid of the local clergy: when he entered a town a procession of priests, magistrates, and pious laity welcomed him with banners, candles, and song, and bore the bull of indulgence aloft on a velvet or golden cushion, while church bells pealed and organs played. So propped Tetzel offered, in an impressive formula, a  plenary indulgence to those who would penitently confess their sins and contribute according to their means to the building of the new St. Peter’s:

“ May our lord Jesus Christ have mercy on thee, and absolve thee by the merits of His most holy Passion. And I, by His authority, that of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, and of the most holy Pope, granted and committed to me in these parts, do absolve thee, first from all ecclesiastical censures, in whatever manner they may have been incurred, and then from all thy sins, transgressions, and excesses, how enormous soever they may be, even from such as are reserved for the recognizance of the Holy See;  and as far as the keys of the Holy Church extend, I remit to you all punishment which you deserve in purgatory on their account, and I restore you to the holy sacraments of the Church...... and to that innocence and purity which you possessed at baptism; so that when you die the gates of punishment shall be shut, and the gates of the paradise of delight shall be opened....... In the name of the Father, and the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.”

Myconius, a Franciscan friar perhaps hostile to the Dominicans, heard Tetzel perform and reported, for this year 1517:  “It is incredible what this ignorant monk said and preached. He gave sealed letters stating that even the sins which a man was intending to commit would be forgiven. The pope, he said, had more power than all the Apostles, all the angels and saints, more even than the Virgin Mary herself; for these were all subject to Christ, but the pope was equal to Christ.” This is probably an exaggeration but that such a description could be given by an eyewitness suggests the antipathy that Tetzel aroused. A like hostility appears in the rumour mentioned sceptically by Luther, which quoted Tetzel as having said at Halle that even if,‘per impossible,’ a man had violated the Mother of God the indulgence would wipe away his sin.

Tetzel would have escaped history had he not approached too closely to the lands  of Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony. He, not wishing the coin of Saxony to emigrate, forbade the preaching of the 1517 indulgence in his territory. But Tetzel came so close to the boarders of Saxony that people crossed the border to obtain the indulgence. Several purchasers brought these “ papal letters “ to Martin Luther, professor of theology, and asked him to attest their efficacy. He refused. The refusal came to Tetzel’s ears; he denounced Luther, and became immortal.

Tetzel had underestimated the pugnacity of the professor. Luther quickly composed in Latin ninety-five theses, which he entitled ‘Disputatio pro declaratione virtutis indulgentiarum’ (Disputation for Clarification of the Power of Indulgences ) He did not consider his propositions heretical, nor were they induitably so. He was still a fervent  Catholic who had no thought  of upsetting the Church; his purpose was to refute the extravagant claims made for indulgences, and to correct the abuses that had developed in their distribution. He felt that the facile issuance and mercenary dissemination of indulgences had weakened the contribution that sin should arouse, had indeed  made sin a trivial matter to be amicably adjusted over a bargain counter with a peddler of pardons.

He did not yet deny the papal “Power of the keys” to forgive sins; he  He conceded the authority of the pope to absolve the confessing penitent from the terestrial penalties imposed by churchmen; but in Luther’s view  the power of the pope to free souls from purgatory depended on the intercessory influence of papal prayers, which might or might not be heard. He exonerated the popes from responsibility for the excesses of the preachers, but slyly asked “why does not the pope empty purgatory for the sake of Holy love and the dire need of the souls that are there, if he so readily redeems a number of souls for the sake of miserable money with which to build a Church?”

At noon on October 31, 1517, Luther affixed his theses to the main door of the Castle Church of Wittenberg. To make sure that the theses would be widely understood, Luther had a German translation circulated among the people. He sent a copy of the theses to Archbishop Albrecht of Mainz.

Courteously, piously, unwittingly, the Reformation had begun.



Emily

  • Posts: 365
Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2019 on: July 20, 2013, 11:15:00 PM »
Quote
Pope Leo..........

All his faults were superficial except his superficiality.

The son of a banker, Leo was accustomed to spending money readily, and chiefly on others. He inherited full papal coffers from Julius II, and emptied them all before he died.

There is nothing worse in my opinion than a superficial parasite, and that was the Leo. To have the gall to even consider himself for the position of Pope (as I have read the requirements and responsibilities of that office), showed just how superficial he was. Parasites are not concerned with anything other than latching on to the next victim or victims. They see themselves as entitled.

Leo the parasite.

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2020 on: July 22, 2013, 04:14:30 PM »
Luther came along at just the right time. If he hadn't set the match to the tinder, someone else would have.

3kings(Trevor)

  • Posts: 347
Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2021 on: July 23, 2013, 11:32:20 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  THE REFORMATION
Pgs. 341 - 343




                                         THE GENESIS OF LUTHER

What circumstances of heredity and environment had molded an obscure monk, in a town of three thousand souls, into the David of the religious revolution ?
 His father Hans was a stern, rugged, irascible anticlerical; his mother was a timid, modest, woman much given to prayer; both were frugal and industrious. Hans was a peasant at Möhra, then a miner at Mansfeld; but Martin was born at Eisleben on November 10, 1483. Six other children followed. Hans and Grethe believed in the rod as a magic wand for producing righteousness; once, says Martin, his father beat him so assiduously that for a long time they open enemies; on another occasion, for stealing a nut, his mother thrashed him till the blood flowed; Martin later thought “the severe and harsh life I led with them was the reason that I afterward took refuge in the cloister and became a monk”. The picture of  deity which his parents transmitted to him reflected their own mood: a hard father and strict judge, exacting a joyless virtue, demanding constant propitiation, and finally damning most of mankind to everlasting hell. Both parents believed in witches, elves, angels, and demons of many kinds and specialities; and Martin carried most of these superstitions with him to the end. A religion of terror in a home of rigorous discipline shared in forming Luther’s youth and creed.

At school in Mansfeld there were more rods and much catechism; Martin was flogged fifteen times in one day for misdeclining a noun. At fourteen he was transferred to the school of St. George at Eisenach, and had three relatively happy years lodging in the comfortable home of Frau Cotta. Luther never forgot her remark that there was nothing on earth more precious to a man than the love of a good woman. It was a boon that he took  forty-two years to win. In this healthier atmosphere he developed the natural charm of youth -- healthy, cheerful, sociable, frank. He sang well, and played the lute.

In 1501 his prospering father sent him to the university at Erfurt. The curriculum centred around  theology and philosophy, which was still Scholastic; but Ockham's nominalism had triumphed there, and presumably Luther noted Ockham’s  doctrine that popes and councils could err. He found Scholasticism in any form so disagreeable that he complimented a friend on “not having to learn the dung that was offered” as philosophy.  There were some mild humanists at Erfurt; he was slightly influenced by them; they did not care for him when they found  him in earnest about the other world. He learned a little Greek and less Hebrew, but he read the major Latin Classics. In 1505 he received the degree of master of arts. His proud father rejoiced when he entered upon the study of law.  Suddenly, after two months of such study, and to his father’s dismay, the youth of twenty-two decided to become a monk.

The decision expressed the contradiction in his character. Vigorous to the point of sensuality, visibly framed for a life of normal instincts, and yet infused by home and school with the conviction that man remains by nature sinful, and that sin is an offense against an omnipotent and punishing God, he had never in thought or conduct  reconciled his natural impulses with his acquired beliefs. Passing presumably through the usual erotic experiments and fantasies of adolescence, he could not take these as stages of development, but viewed them as the operations of a Satan dedicated to snaring souls into irrevocable damnation. The conception of God that had been given him contained hardly any element of  tenderness; the consoling figure of Mary had little place in the theology of fear, and Jesus was not the loving son who could refuse nothing to His mother; He was the Jesus of the Last Judgment so often pictured in the Churches, the Christ who had threatened sinners with everlasting fire. One day he was returning from his father’s house to Erfurt when he encounted a frightful storm. Lightning flashed about him and struck a near-by tree. It seemed to Luther a warning from God that unless he gave his thoughts to salvation, death would surprise him unshriven and damned. Where could he live a life of saving devotion? Only where four walls would exclude, or ascetic discipline would overcome, the world, the flesh, and the devil: only in a monastery. He made a vow to St. Anne that if he survived that storm he would become a monk.

There were twenty cloisters in Erfurt. He chose one known for faithful observance of monastic rules -- that of the Augustinian Eremites. In September 1506, he took the irrevocable vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience; and in May 1507 he was ordained a priest.


3kings(Trevor)

  • Posts: 347
Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2022 on: July 31, 2013, 05:03:09 AM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  The REFORMATION
Pgs 343 - 348






                                                 LUTHER  (cont.)
Luther’s fellow friars gave him friendly council. One assured him that the passion of Christ had atoned for the sinful nature of man, and had opened to redeemed man the gates of paradise. Luther’s reading of the German mystics, gave him hope of bridging the awful gap between a naturally sinful soul and a righteous, omnipotent God. Then a treatise by John Huss fell into his hands, and doctrinal doubts were added  to his spiritual turmoil; he wondered why “ a man could write so Christianly and so powerfully yet had been burned.” He shut the book and turned away with a wounded heart.

One day in 1508 or 1509 he was struck by a sentence in St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans ( 1:17) “ They shall live by  faith.” These words led him to the doctrine that man can be “justified” i.e. made just and therefore saved from hell -- not by good works -- but only by complete faith in Christ and his atonement for mankind. In Augustine Luther found another idea that perhaps renewed his terror  -- predestination --  that God, even before the creation had forever destined some souls to salvation, the rest to hell, and that the elect had been chosen  by God’s free will to be saved by the divine sacrifice of Christ. From that consistent absurdity he fled back again to his basic hope of salvation by faith.
Slowly, during the years (1512-17), his religious ideas moved away from the official doctrines of the Church. In 1515 he ascribed the corruption of the world to the clergy, who delivered to the people too many maxims and fables of human invention, and not the Scriptural world of God. He blamed the preachers of indulgences for taking advantage of the simplicity of the poor. In private correspondence he began to identify the Antichrist of John’s First Epistle with the pope. Three months later the reckless friar challenged the world to debate the ninety-five theses that he had posted on Wittenberg Church.
The theses became the talk of literate Germany. Thousands had waited for such a protest, and the pent-up anticlericalism of generations thrilled at having found a voice. The sale of indulgences declined. But many champions rose to meet the challenge. Tetzel himself, with some professional help, replied in “One Hundred and Six Anti-Theses” (Dec 1517). He made no concessions or apologies, but “ gave at times  an uncompromising, even dogmatic, sanction to mere theological opinions that were hardly consonant with the most accurate scholarship”. Luther answered Tetzel in “ A Sermon on Indulgences and Grace,” concluding with a characteristic defiance. “If I am called a heretic by those whose purses will suffer from my truths, I care not much for their brawling, for only those whose dark understanding has never known the Bible.” Johann Eck issued a pamphlet  which charged Luther with disseminating “Bohemian poison” ( The heresies of Huss). Luther  countered in a Latin brochure (April 1518). The text spoke quite handsomely of Pope Leo X:
“Most blessed Father, I offer myself prostrate at the feet of your Holiness, with all that I am and have. Quicken, slay, call, recall, approve, reprove, as may seem to you good. I will acknowledge your voice as the voice of Christ, residing and speaking in you. If I have deserved death I will not refuse to die.” 
However, as Leo’s advisors noted Luther’s publications affirmed the superiority of an ecumenical council to the pope, spoke slightingly of relics and pilgrimages, denied the surplus merits of the saints and rejected all additions made by the popes in the last three centuries to the theory and practise of indulgences. As these were the prime source of papal revenue, Leo was at his wits’ end to finance his amusements and wars, as well as the administration of the Church. The harassed Pontiff, who had at first brushed the dispute aside, now took the matter in hand, and summoned Luther to Rome.
Luther faced a critical decision.  He might in Rome find himself  politely silenced and buried in a monastry, to be soon forgotten by those who now supported him. He wrote to the Elector Frederick, suggesting that German princes should protect their citizens from compulsory extradition to Italy. The Elector agreed. He had a high regard for Luther who had made the university of Wittenberg prosper; and besides, Emperor Max, seeing in Luther a possible card to play in diplomatic contests with Rome, advised the Elector to “take good care of that monk.”
Leo was disposed to lenience. Indeed , a protestant historian has ascribed the triumph of the Reformation to the moderation and goodwill of  Leo X. He instructed his legate to offer Luther full pardon, and future digities, if he would recant and submit.  Armed with an imperial safe-conduct, Luther met Archbishop Cajetan at Augsburg. The Cardinal was a man of great theological learning and exemplary life, but he misread his function to be that of judge, not diplomat. As he  saw the matter, it was primarily a question of ecclesiastical discipline and order: should a monk be allowed to criticize publicly his superiors to whom he had vowed obedience. Refusing to discuss the right or wrong of Luther’s statements, he demanded a retraction and a pledge never again to  disturb the peace of the Church.
Each lost patience with the other. Luther returned impenitent to Wittenberg, and wrote a spirited account of the meeting, and added “I send you  my trifling work that you may see whether I am not right in supposing that , according to Paul, the real Anti-christ holds sway over the Roman court. I think he is worse than any Turk.” In a milder letter to Duke George he asked that  “ a common ’reformation’ should be undertaken of the spiritual and temporal estates”.
This was his first known use of the word that was to give his rebellion its historic name.


mabel1015j

  • Posts: 3656
Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2023 on: July 31, 2013, 08:42:22 AM »
My god, it's a wonder anybody survived with any semblance of mental stability in those days between the frightening concepts of religion and the beatings for any small secular or theological infraction. I didn't know a lot of this bio of Luther, thanks for posting this.

Ahhh, predestination, shades of my maternal Scottish ancestors who came to the colonies in 1730s to found 3 Presbyterian churches in south central Pennsylvania................very religious descendants right up to my Mother's generation............some how that gene didn't get passed on to me.  :D
I understand the psychology of "you must be good to prove that you are one of the people who has been chosen to go to heaven." But, I think the flip side of that could be very appealing to some - "if I'm not one of the chosen, I might as well have as good a time as I wish, it makes no difference."

Where did these people grab on to such theories, it just is amazing the diversity of religious concepts that have continued for centuries if not eons.

3kings(Trevor)

  • Posts: 347
Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2024 on: August 08, 2013, 10:54:00 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol.VI   The REFORMATION
Pgs. 371  -  377





                                               LUTHER’S THEOLOGY

Though his theology was founded with trusting literalness on the Scriptures, his interpretation unconsciously retained late medieval traditions. His nationalism made him a modern, his theology belonged to the Age of Faith. His rebellion was far more against Catholic organisation and ritual than against Catholic doctrine; most of this remained with him to the end. Even in his rebellion he followed Wyclif and Huss rather than any new scheme: like theirs his revolt lay in rejecting the papacy, the councils, the hierarchy, and any other guide to faith than the Bible; like them he called the pope Antichrist; and like them he found protection in the state. The line from Wyclif to Huss to Luther is the main thread of religious development from the fourteenth to the sixteenth century. Theologically the line was anchored on Augustine’s notions of predestination and grace, which in turn were  rooted in the Epistles of Paul, who had never known Christ. Nearly all the pagan elements in Christianity fell away as Protestantism took form; the Judaic contribution triumphed over the Greek; the prophets won against the Aristotle of the Scholastics and the Plato of the humanists; Paul, in the line of the Prophets rather than that of the  Apostles -- transformed Jesus into an atonement for Adam, the Old Testament overshadowed the new; Yahweh darkened the face of Christ.

Luther’s conception of God was Judaic. Basic in him was the old picture of God the avenger, and therefore of Christ as the Final Judge. He believed, without recorded protest that God had drowned nearly all mankind in a flood, had set fire to Sodom, and had destroyed lands, peoples, and empires, with a breath of His wrath and a wave of his hand. Luther reckoned “that few are saved, infinitely many are damned.” The mitigating myth of Mary as intercessor dropped out of the story, and left the Last Judgement in all its stark terror for naturally sinful man. Meanwhile God had appointed wild beasts, vermin, and wicked women to punish men for their sins. He accepted magic and witchcraft as realities and thought it a simple Christian duty to burn witches at the stake. Most of these ideas were shared by his contemporaries, Catholic or Protestant. The belief in the power and ubiquity of devils attained in the sixteenth century an intensity not recorded in any other age; and his  preoccupation with Satan bedevilled much of Protestant theology.

He took heaven and hell for granted, and believed in an early end to the world. He described a heaven of many delights, including pet dogs “with golden hair shining like precious stones”-- a genial concession to his children, who had expressed concern over the damnation of their pets. He spoke as confidently as Aquinas  about angels  as bodiless and beneficent spirits. He accepted fully the medieval conception of devils wandering about the earth, bringing temptation, sin, and misfortune to men, and easing man’s way into hell. All the Teutonic folk-law about the  poltergeist , or noise making spirit was apparently credited by Luther at its face value. Snakes and monkeys were favourite incarnations of the devil. The old notion that devils could lie with women and beget children seemed plausible to him; in one such case he recommended that the resultant child should be drowned.

He wrote, “No one is by nature Christian or pious . . . the world and the masses are and always will be unchristian . . the wicked always outnumber the  good.” Even in the good man evil actions  outnumber the good , for he cannot escape from his nature; as Paul said ,” there is none righteous, no, not one.”
“We are children of wrath,” Luther said; “and all our works , intensions and thoughts  are nothing at all in the balance against our sins. So far as good works go, everyone of us would merit damnation “. By good works  Luther meant especially  those forms of ritual piety recommended by the Church -- fasting, pilgrimages, prayers to the saints, Masses for the dead, indulgences , processions, gifts to the Church; but he also included all works , “what ever their character.” He did not question the need for charity and love for a healthy social life, but he felt that  even a life blessed with such virtues could not earn an eternity of bliss. Only the redeeming sacrifice of Christ -- the suffering and death of the Son of God -- could atone for man’s sins; and only belief in that divine  atonement can save us from hell. As Paul said to the Romans “ If thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and shall believe in thine heart that God has raised Him from the dead, thou shalt be saved.”  It is this faith that ‘justifies‘ -- makes man ‘just’ despite his sins, and eligible  for salvation. Christ Himself said: He that believeth and is baptised shall be saved, but he that believeth not, shall be damned.”  It is with comment about Faith and Belief in the sacrifice of Christ that Luther sought to comfort sinners. He wrote  “Seek out the society of your boon companions, drink, play, talk bawdy, and amuse yourself. One must sometimes commit a sin out of hate and  contempt for the devil, so as not to give him the chance to make one scrupulous over mere nothings; if one is too frightened of sinning, one is lost ... oh, if I could find  some really good sin that would give the devil a toss!”

Such lusty and humorous ’abiter dicta’ invited misconstruction. Some of Luther’s followers interpreted this as condoning fornication, adultery, murder. However, by faith Luther meant not merely intellectual assent to a proposition, but vital, personal self committal to a practical belief; and he was confident that complete belief in God’s grace, given because of Christ’s redeeming death, would make a man so basically good that an occasional frolic with the flesh would do no lasting harm. Faith would soon bring the sinner back to spiritual health. “Good works” he said, “do not make a good man, but a good man does good works.” And what makes a man good? Faith in God and Christ. By divine predestination the elect are chosen for eternal happiness, the rest are left graceless and damned to everlasting hell.

This is the acme of faith, to believe that God, who saves so few and condemns so many, is merciful; He is Just, and yet has made us necessarily doomed to damnation, so that He seems to delight in tortures of the wretched, and to be more deserving of hatred than of love. If by any effort of reason I could conceive how God, who shows so much anger and iniquity, could be merciful and just, there would be no need of faith.

So Luther, in his medieval reaction against a paganising Renaissance Church, went back not only to Augustine but to Tertullian : ‘Credo quia incredibile‘; It seemed to him a merit to believe in predestination because it was, to reason, unbelievable. Yet it was, he thought , by hard logic that he was driven to this incredibility. The theologian who had written so eloquently about the “freedom of Christian man” now (1525), in a treatise “de servo arbitrio,” argued that if God was omnipotent He must be the sole cause of all actions, including man’s; that if God is omniscient He foresees everything, and everything must happen as He has foreseen it; that therefore all events , through all of time have been predetermined in His mind, and are forever fated to be.

Luther concluded, like Spinoza, that man is as free “as a block of wood, a rock, a lump of clay, a pillar of salt.” More strangely still, the same divine foresight  deprives the angels , nay, God Himself, of freedom. He too, must act as He has foreseen; His foresight is His fate.

A lunatic fringe interpreted this doctrine  ’ad libitum.’ Much of these conclusions lay annoyingly implicit in medieval theology, and were deduced by Luther from Paul and Augustine with irrefutable consistency. He seemed willing to accept medieval theology if he might disown the Renaissance Church; he could tolerate the predestination of the multitudinous damned more easily than the authority of scandalous tax gathering popes.

As for the sacraments , viewed as priestly ceremonies conferring divine grace; Luther severely reduced their role. He believed they involve no miraculous powers, and their efficacy depends not on their forms and formulas, but on the faith of the recipient.

 Luther’s doctrine of the sacraments, his replacement of the Mass by the Lord’s Supper, and his theory of salvation by faith rather than good works, undermined the authority of the clergy in northern Germany. In Lutheran Europe civil courts became the only courts , secular power the only legal power. Secular rulers appointed  Church personnel, appropriated Church property, took over Church schools and monastic churches. Theoretically Church and state  remained independent; actually the Church became  subject to the state. The Lutheran movement, which thought to submit all life to theology, unwittingly, unwillingly, advanced that pervasive secularisation which is the basic theme of modern life.


JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2025 on: August 09, 2013, 09:36:41 PM »
I wish I could follow the implications of all this. But I find it difficult.

Emily

  • Posts: 365
Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2026 on: August 14, 2013, 10:09:27 PM »
Quote
This is the acme of faith, to believe that God, who saves so few and condemns so many, is merciful; He is Just, and yet has made us necessarily doomed to damnation, so that He seems to delight in tortures of the wretched, and to be more deserving of hatred than of love. If by any effort of reason I could conceive how God, who shows so much anger and iniquity, could be merciful and just, there would be no need of faith.


The implications of Martin Luther dismantling of the Roman Catholic church including the pope in his country and implementing a secular government was enormous.

The 'church' had lost its power and would continue to lose its influence over the people as they read for themselves the 'scribbling of the psychopaths'.

Only a tribe of 'psychopaths'  could have invented this much evil and instilled it all into their 'god'.

Emily

 

 


mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2027 on: August 15, 2013, 01:00:18 PM »
Amen, Emily! :)

I don't have much comment to the pieces on religion because i agree with your last sentence, but i also agree with your first sentence about the importance of ML.

Jean

3kings(Trevor)

  • Posts: 347
Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2028 on: August 16, 2013, 10:06:01 PM »
Durants'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  The REFORMATION
Pgs. 352 - 357


Heartened by the support he had received, Luther wrote:

“I have cast the die. I now dispute the rage of the Romans as much as I do their favour. I will not reconcile myself to them for all eternity. Let them burn and condemn all that belongs to me; in return I will do as much for them.... Now I no longer fear them, and am publishing a book in the German tongue about Christian reform, directed against the pope, in language as violent as if I were addressing Antichrist.”

On June 15 , 1520 Leo X issued a bull, ‘Exsurge Domine,’ which condemned forty-one statements by Luther, ordered the public burning of the writings in which these appeared, and exhorted Luther to abjure his errors and return to the fold. After sixty days of further refusal to come to Rome  and make a public recantation, he was to be cut off from Christendom by excommunication, he was to be shunned as a heretic by all the faithful, all the places where he stayed were to suspend religious services, and all secular authorities were to banish him from their territory or deliver him to Rome.

Luther marked the end of the sixty days of grace given to him by publishing the first of three little books that constituted a program of religious revolution. Hitherto he had written in Latin for the intellectual classes, now he wrote in German -- and as a German patriot. Luther attacked the “three walls” that the papacy had built round itself: the distinction between the clergy and the laity, the right of the pope to decide  the interpretation of Scripture, and his exclusive right to summon a general council of the Church. All these  defensive assumptions, said Luther, must be overthrown.. A council should be called very soon; it should examine the “horrible” anomaly that the head of Christendom lives in more splendour than any king; it should end the appropriation  of German benefices by Italian clergymen; it should reduce to a hundred the “swarm of vermin” holding ecclesiastical sinecures in Rome and living chiefly on money from Germany.

“Some have estimated that every year more than 300,000 gulden find their way from Germany to Italy... We here come to the heart of the matter.... How comes it that we Germans must put up with such robbery and such extortion of our property at the hands of the pope? .. If we justly hang thieves and behead robbers, why should we let Roman avarice go free? For he is the greatest thief and robber that has come or can come into the world, and all in the holy name of Christ and St. Peter! Who can longer endure it or keep silence?”

“Above all, we should drive out from German lands  the papal legates with their “powers”... which they sell us for large sums of money... to legalise unjust gains, dissolve oaths, vows, and agreements, saying that the pope has authority to do this--- though it is sheer knavery. If there were no other evil wiles to prove  that the pope is the true Antichrist, this one thing would be enough to prove it. Hear this, oh pope, not most holy of  men but most sinful. Oh that the God from heaven would soon destroy thy throne and sink it in the abyss of hell!... O Christ my Lord, look down, let the day of Thy judgment break, and destroy the devil’s nest in Rome!”

This headlong assault of one man against a power that  pervaded all Western Europe became the sensation of Germany. Cautious men considered it intemperate and rash; many reckoned it among the most heroic deeds in German history. Germany, like England, was ripe for an appeal to nationalism; There was as yet no Germany on the map, but there were Germans, newly conscious of themselves as a people. As Huss had stressed his Bohemian patriotism, as Henry VIII would reject not Catholic doctrine but papal power over England, so Luther now planted his standard of revolt not in theological deserts, but in the rich soil of the German national spirit. Wherever Protestantism won, nationalism carried the flag.

Luther now sent to Leo the third of his manifestoes. He called it “A treatise on Christian liberty.” He expressed with uncongenial moderation his basic doctrine -- that faith alone, not good works, makes the true Christian, and saves him from hell. For it is faith in Christ that  makes a man good; his good works follow from the faith. “ the tree bears fruit, the fruit does not bear the tree.” A man firm in his faith in the divinity and redeeming sacrifice of Christ enjoys not freedom of will, but the profoundest freedom of all; freedom from his own carnal nature, from all evil powers, from damnation, even from the law. Yet this free man must be servant to all men, for he will not be happy if he fails  to do all in his power to save others as well as himself. He is united to God by Faith, to his neighbour by love. Every believing Christian is a ministering priest.

In places the Church was successful in proclaiming the bull of excommunication. In Ingolstadt Luther’s books were confiscated, and in Mainz, Louvain, and Cologne they were burned. But in other towns the posted bull was pelted with dirt and torn down. At Erfurt many professors and clergymen joined in the general refusal to recognise the bull, and students threw all available copies in the river.

When Luther learned that the papal envoys were burning his books, he decided to reply in kind. He asked the students of Wittenberg to assemble outside the Elster gate of the city on the morning of December 10. There he cast the papal bull into the fire with his own hands. The students joyfully collected other books of the kind, and with them kept the fire burning all afternoon.

On December 11 Luther proclaimed that no man could be saved unless he renounced the rule of the papacy. The monk had excommunicated the pope.

JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2029 on: August 20, 2013, 07:22:35 PM »
"He expressed with uncongenial moderation his basic doctrine -- that faith alone, not good works, makes the true Christian, and saves him from hell."

This is an argument that continues to this day.

"For it is faith in Christ that  makes a man good; his good works follow from the faith."

If only that were true.

Emily

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2030 on: August 22, 2013, 07:58:22 PM »
Quote
On December 11 Luther proclaimed that no man could be saved unless he renounced the rule of the papacy. The monk had excommunicated the pope.

Luther would win this argument, and so would Henry in England. Soon the 'secret world' of the bible would be put into the language of all the different countries of Europe and elsewhere. The protestants would soon be involved in their own arguments, but eventually all of the religious mumbo jumbo would prove its own undoing. Long ago the churches of Europe lost membership and today the churches are mostly empty.

I am rereading the bible. The first reading was around the age of twelve so there is a huge gap of time passed, but my interpetation is the same, I don't believe a word it says, and that includes the words 'the and a'. A fairy tale with lots of killing and rape where women are treated as chattel, and all the men are sex perverts.

When Winston Churchill's son was on a military expedition and they were in camp with nothing to do, he asked for something to read and all they had was a bible. Since he had never read it or knew much about it, he sat down to read.

He did not get too far into the story when he threw the book across the way and said, "This god, what a sh*t'. He never picked the book up again.

Emily


3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2031 on: August 22, 2013, 09:21:13 PM »
TREVOR Hi! hope this gets to you. I have a computer virus that  is causing trouble. I hope to have it fixed today but if not it will be next monday/tuesday. Sorry all.
 

mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2032 on: August 23, 2013, 11:58:00 AM »
Interesting rule for being "saved" and interesting that ML felt he could command who/how one could be "saved".

Got your msg Trevor. Relax and have a good weekend, :)

Jean

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2033 on: August 28, 2013, 11:46:24 PM »
DURANTS'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  THE REFORMATION
Pgs. 377 - 379





                                    THE REVOLUTIONIST
When some bishops sought to silence Luther and his followers, he emitted an angry roar that was almost a tocsin of revolution. In a pamphlet he branded the prelates as the biggest wolves of all, and called on all good Germans to drive them out by force.

“It were better that every bishop were murdered, every foundation or cloister rooted out, than that one soul should be destroyed, let alone that all souls should be lost for the sake of their worthless trumpery. Of what use are they who thus live in lust, nourished by the sweat and labour of others? If they will not hear God’s Word but rage and rave with burnings, killings, and every evil, what do they better deserve than a strong uprising which will sweep them from the earth?”

He was at this time almost as critical of the state, as of the Church. Stung by the prohibition of the sale or possession of his New Testament in regions under orthodox rulers, he wrote, in the fall of 1522, a treatise “On Secular Authority: to what Extent It should be Obeyed.” He began amiably enough by approving St. Paul's doctrine of civil obedience and the divine origin of the state. This apparently contradicted his own teaching as to the perfect freedom of the Christian man. Luther explained that though true Christians do not need law, and will not use law or force on one another, they must obey the law as good examples to the majority, who are not true Christians, for without law the sinful nature of man would tear a society to pieces. Never-the-less the authority of the state should end where the realm of the spirit begins. 

 “You must know that from the beginning of the world a wise prince is a rare bird indeed; still more so a pious prince. They are usually the greatest fools on earth. They are God’s jailers and hangmen, and his divine wrath needs them to punish the wicked and preserve outward peace.... The common man is learning to think, and contempt of princes is gathering force among the multitude and the common people..... Men ought not, men cannot, men will not suffer your tyranny and presumption much longer. Dear princes and lords, be wise and guide yourselves accordingly. God will no longer tolerate you. The world is no longer what it was when you hunted and drove people like so much game.” What would the princes have said had they read Luther’s letter to Wenzel Link ( March 19 1522 ) “We are triumphing over the papal tyranny, which formerly crushed kings and princes, how much more easily then, shall we not overcome and trample down the princes themselves. I believe that in this community or Christendom all things are in common, and each man’s goods are the other’s, and nothing is simply a man’s own.”

These were casual ebullitions, and should not be taken too literally. Actually Luther was a conservative, even a reactionary in politics and religion, in the sense that he wished to return to early medieval beliefs and ways. He considered himself a restorer, not an innovator. He agreed with the medieval church in condemning interest, merely adding, that interest was an invention of Satan. He regretted the growth of foreign trade, called commerce a “nasty business,” and despised those who lived by buying cheap and selling dear. He denounced as “manifest robbers” the monopolists who were conspiring to raise prices; “the authorities should do right if they took from such people everything they have, and drove them out of the country” He thought it high time to “put a bit into the mouth of the Fuggers” (ie. Bankers )

“Kings and princes ought to look into these things and forbid them by strict laws, but I hear that they have an interest in them, and the saying of Isaiah is fulfilled. “Thy princes have become companions of thieves.”

“They hang thieves who have stolen a gulden or half a gulden, but trade with those who rob the whole world..... Big thieves hang the little ones and as the Roman senator Cato said, “simple thieves lie in prisons and in stocks; public thieves walk abroad in gold and silk.” But what will God say to this at last? He will do as he says by Ezekiel: princes and merchants, one after another, he will melt them together like lead and brass, as when a city burns, so that there shall be neither princes nor merchants any more. That time I fear, is already at the door.”

It was.


JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2034 on: August 31, 2013, 04:15:31 PM »
Clearly he hadn't thought out his political philosophy very much. It's chock full of contradictions. Clear on what he dislikes, not so on what he would like instead.

But then, it's always easier to say what's wrong, than to think of a better alternative.

Emily

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2035 on: September 01, 2013, 10:16:34 PM »
Joan, so true. Luther seems so enraged by Rome and all its foibles that he wants to condemn everything at once.

I do agree with the premise that princes, kings, queens, popes, etc. should be put to work to earn their own bread. The people should be under secular laws of their own making as they had been for thousands of years. The same punishment to everyone whether prince or pauper.

To quote Durant....

Quote

“They hang thieves who have stolen a gulden or half a gulden, but trade with those who rob the whole world..... Big thieves hang the little ones and as the Roman senator Cato said, “simple thieves lie in prisons and in stocks; public thieves walk abroad in gold and silk.” ......so that there shall be neither princes nor merchants any more. That time I fear, is already at the door.”

It was.

Alas, it may have ended for a while but, thievery on a large scale is not only back but bigger than ever. This time it is not the Pope stealing us blind, but the money changers cult. They do not create anything, they do not produce or make anything, they steal from the public.

I just read 'Den of Thieves' published over twenty years ago, and nothing has changed except there are more of them today, and their jets are bigger and their reach is global. They steal from everyone all over the world.

 

 

3kings(Trevor)

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2036 on: September 08, 2013, 11:54:06 PM »
DURANTS'  S  o  C
Vol. VI  THE REFORMATION
Pgs. 383 - 395



                                           THE  PEASANT’S  REVOLT.

To a later session of the Diet (January 1524 ) a new pope, Clement VII, sent Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggio with fresh demands for the arrest of Luther. Crowds jeered the nuncio at Augsburg; he had to enter Nuremberg secretly to avoid hostile demonstrations; and he had the humiliation of seeing 3,000 persons, including the Emperor's sister, receive the Eucharist in both kinds from a Lutheran pastor. He warned the Diet that the religious revolt, if not soon suppressed, would soon undermine civil authority and order; but the Diet replied that any attempt to put down Lutheranism by force would result in “riot, disobedience, slaughter... and a general ruin.” While the deliberations proceeded the social revolution began.

The religious revolt offered the tillers of the fields a captivating ideology in which to phrase their demands for a larger share in Germany’s growing prosperity. The hardships that had already spurred a dozen rural outbreaks still agitated the peasant mind, and indeed with feverish intensity now that Luther had defied the Church, berated the princes, broken the dams of discipline and awe, made every man a priest, and proclaimed the freedom of the Christian man. In the Germany of that age Church and state were so closely meshed -- that the collapse of ecclesiastical prestige and power removed a main barrier to revolution. The circulation of the New Testament in print was a blow to political as well as religious orthodoxy. It exposed the compromises that the secular clergy had made with the nature of man and the ways of the world; it revealed the communism of the Apostles, the sympathy of Christ for the poor and oppressed; in these respects the New Testament was for the  radical of this age a veritable “Communist Manifesto.” Peasant and proletarian alike found in it a divine warrant for dreaming of a utopia where private property would be abolished, and the poor would inherit the earth.

Another pamphlet of  1521, by Johannes Eberlin, demanded universal male suffrage, and subordination of every ruler and official to popularly elected councils, the abolition of all capitalist organisations, a return to medieval price-fixing for bread and wine, and the education of all children in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, astronomy, and medicine. One revealed that heaven was open to  peasants but closed to nobles and clergymen; another counselled the peasants to give no more to priest or monk. But Luther, the preachers, and the pamphleteers were not the cause of the revolt; the causes were the just grievances of the peasantry. But it could be argued that the gospel of Luther and his more radical followers” poured oil on the flames,” and turned the resentment of the oppressed into utopian delusions, uncalculated violence, and passionate revenge.

In nearly every section of Germany peasant bands were running riot. Monasteries were sacked, or were compelled to pay high ransoms. “Nowhere,” says a letter of April 7 1525 “do the insurgents make a secret of their intention to kill all clerics who will not break with the church, to destroy all cloisters and Episcopal palaces, and to root the catholic religion utterly out of  the land.”

Amid this torrent of events Luther issued from the press at Wittenberg, toward the middle of May 1525, a pamphlet “Against the robbing and murdering hordes of Peasants.” Its vehemence startled prince and peasant, prelate and humanist, alike. Shocked by the excesses of the infuriated rebels, dreading a possible overturn of all law and government in Germany, and stung by charges that his own teachings had loosed the flood, he now ranged himself unreservedly on the side of the imperial lords. “In a former book I did not venture to judge the peasants, since they had  offered to be set right and be instructed..... but as I look around they, forgetting their offer, betake themselves to violence and rob and  rage and act like mad dogs .... It is the Devil’s work they are at, and in particular it is the work of the  arch devil who rules at Mulhausen ....  I must begin by setting their sins before them.

“Any man against whom sedition can be proved is outside the law of God and the Empire, so that the first who can slay him is doing right and well ... for rebellion brings with it a land full of murder and bloodshed, makes widows and orphans, and turns everything upside down......”

He rejected the supposed Scriptural warrant for communism :

“The gospel does not make goods common, except in the case of those who do of their own free will what the Apostles and disciples did in Acts iv. They did not demand, as do our insane peasants in their raging, that the goods of others -- of a Pilate or Herod should be common,--  but only their own goods. Our peasants, however, would have other men’s goods common, and keep their own goods for themselves. Fine Christians, these!  I think there is not a devil left in hell; they have all gone into the peasants.”

The losses of German life and property in the Peasants Revolt were to be exceeded only in the Thirty Years War. Of peasants alone some 130,000 died in battle or in expiation. There were 10,000 executions under the jurisdiction of the Swabian League. One Executioner boasted that he had killed 1,200 condemned men with his own practiced hand.  The peasants themselves had destroyed hundreds of castles and monasteries. Hundreds of villages and towns had been depopulated or ruined. Over 50,000 homeless peasants roamed the highways, or hid in the woods.

On May 30th 1525, Luther wrote to Nicholas Amsdorf “ My opinion is that it is better that all peasants be killed than that the princes and magistrates perish, because the rustics took the sword without divine authority.” Mercy, Luther argued, is the duty of the Christians in their private capacity; as officers of  the state, however they must normally follow justice rather than mercy, for since Adam and Eve’s sin, man has been so wicked that government, laws, and penalties are needed to control him. We owe more consideration to the community endangered by crime, than to criminals endangering the community.

And yet the peasants had a case against Luther. He had not only predicted social revolution, he had said he would not be displeased by it, he would greet it with a smile, even if men washed their hands in Episcopal blood. He too had made the  revolution. Some of the peasants, in angry despair at Luther’s change of heart, became cynical atheists. Many, or their children, shepherded by Jesuits, returned to the Catholic fold. Others followed the radicals whom Luther had condemned, and found in the New Testament a summons to communism.


JoanK

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2037 on: September 09, 2013, 02:28:59 PM »
A communist revolution that early? Who knew?

Emily

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2038 on: September 10, 2013, 09:48:26 PM »
Quote
On May 30th 1525, Luther wrote to Nicholas Amsdorf “ My opinion is that it is better that all peasants be killed than that the princes and magistrates perish, because the rustics took the sword without divine authority.”

Luther, with these words has ended any sympathy ever accorded him. Who was this divine authority he spoke about? He himself, according to Durant, had asked the people to do just what the so called 'rustics' had done.

This puts Luther in a different light and his support of the 'princes' over the peasants is no different to me than the 'pope' over the people. Luther asked for a revolt and then when he got one, he changed sides.

Be careful what you wish for.

Emma

mabel1015j

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Re: Story of Civilization ~ Will & Ariel Durant
« Reply #2039 on: September 11, 2013, 12:39:53 PM »
So apropos Emma. :)

Jean